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184  Notes to Pages 80–82



                      98 . Ibid.
                      99 . Print coverage of the case moved away from the contents of the recorded conversation
              almost immediately. In their initial reports, Jakarta’s main dailies focused overwhelmingly on
              national security questions and offi  cials’ search for the source of the wiretap. See, for example,
              “Presiden Soal Pembicaraan dengan Jaksa Agung: Selidiki Yang Bocorkan,”  Kompas , February 19,
              1999; “Skandal Penyadapan Telpon: Ada Orang Berbahaya Dekat Habibie,”  Berita Buana , Feb-
              ruary 19, 1999; “Teroris Hadir di Mana Saja,”  Lensa , February 27–March 5, 1999; “Kemungkinan
              Orang Dalam Terlibat,”  MI , February 20, 1999; “ABRI to Probe Phone Tap Scandal and Offi  cials
              Say Palace Phone System Safe,”  JP , February 20, 1999; “DPR Minta Pangab Beri Penjelasan: ‘Itu
              Kejahatan Spionase Terencana,’”  Republika , February 20, 1999; “Kasum: Mungkin ABRI Laku-
              kan Konspirasi,”  Republika , February 20, 1999. Several broadcasters, beginning with ANteve,
              did keep attention on Habibie and Ghalib’s alleged conversation by airing the actual recording,
              allowing audiences to judge the tape’s authenticity for themselves, and later print coverage
              in this vein included calls for impeachment proceedings and demands for Ghalib’s resigna-
              tion. See, for example, “Mathori: Habibie Harus Di-Impeach, PKB Desak Presiden Copot Jaksa
              Agung,”  Jawa Pos , February 25, 1999; “Habibie Harus Ubah Kebijakan,”  Kompas , February 25,
              1999; “FPP Cari Dukungan Impeachment,”  Jawa Pos , February 27, 1999. Ultimately, however,
              the shift in attention to security served Habibie by taking the focus off  the “charade” investiga-
              tion of Suharto, allowing defenders to rail instead against the unknown traitor who was trying
              to “bring down the government.” “‘Itu Kejahatan Espionase Terencana,’”  Republika , February 20,
              1999.
                     100 .  For more on this consensus, see Mary E. McCoy, “The Media in Democratic Tran-
              sitions: Institutionalizing Uncertainty in Post-Suharto Indonesia” (PhD diss., Northwestern
              University, 2005).
                     101 .  Tarman Azzam, quoted in “PWI Siap Bantu Majalah  Panji Masyarakat ,”  SP , February 22,
              1999.
                     102 .  Act No. 11/1966 on the Basic Provisions on the Press, as amended by Act No. 4/1967
              and later amended by Act No. 21/1982.
                     103 . Specifi cally, the elucidation of the amendment states, “the Right of Refusal . . . does
              not apply in matters involving especially the order and security of the State.” Elucidation on
              Chapter V , Article 15, sections (6) and (7) of Act No. 21 of 1982, amending Act No. 11/1966
              on the Basic Provisions on the Press, as amended by Act No. 4/1967.
                     104 .  Ketetapan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Republik Indonesia, No. XVII/MPR/1998
              Tentang Hak Asasi Manusia, Bab 5.
                     105 . One  such law mentioned repeatedly was Telecommunications Law No. 5/1964,
              which states in Article 22, “Whoever reports news, or disseminates news, that was obtained
              without permission, or is not in the public interest, can be sentenced to a year in prison and a

              fine of Rp100,000.” “ Panji  Tak Langgar Kode Etik,”  Kompas , February 20, 1999. Article 15 of this
              same law reads, “Whoever disseminates news that is unconfi rmed, exaggerated, or incomplete,
              and that can provoke a public disturbance . . . can be sentenced to up to two years in jail.” “Polri
              Bentuk Tim, Wiranto Gerak, Pemimpim Majalah  Panji  Dijemput Paksa,”  Jawa Pos , February 20,
              1999. In addition, both the wiretapper and the media outlets who aired the transcript could
              have been charged with violating Article 322 of the criminal code, which carried prison penal-
              ties for airing state secrets. See Indriyanto Seno Adji, “Pembocoran Berita dan Delik Pers,”
                Kompas , February 23, 1999.
                     106 . Quoted in “Soal Telpon, Habibie Marah Besar,”  Jawa Pos , February 24, 1999.
                     107 . Adji, “Pembocoran Berita dan Delik Pers.”
                     108 . “Soal Telpon.”
                     109 . Conclusions from AJI discussion of the  Panji  case, Hotel Fortuna, Surabaya, February 25,
              1999.
                     110 .  See “Hentikan Pemanggilan Wartawan,”  Suara Merdeka , February 24, 1999; Ichlasul
              Amal, “Interview: Jadi Sasaran Tembak,”  Jawa Pos , February 24, 1999.
                     111 . “Anti-graft Body Has Ammo to Fight Further,”  SCMP , July 22, 1999; “ICW Distrusts
              Government’s Stance on Ghalib Case,”  JP , July 22, 1999.
                     112 .  Janet Steele, “The Making of the 1999 Indonesian Press Law,”  Indonesia  94, no. 2
              (October 2012): 1–22. The law, for example, guarantees press freedom as a basic civil right, cod-
              ifi es the right to protect sources and to access and disseminate information, and outlaws press
              censorship, banning, or attempts to block radio or television broadcasts. Law No. 40/1999.
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