Page 878 - Kosovo Metohija Heritage

Metropolitan amfilohije (Radović)
May 1, 1985, painting by Mića Popović, 1986
Cetinje Monastery, a journalist from “The Montenegrin Voice,” Slavko Živković, at that time a lay person and today a parish priest in Podgorica, Miladin Knežević, a Metro- politanate employee from Nikšić, Pedja Vukićević, as well as a monk David Perović, a photo reporter Života Ćirić and a journalist Mišo Vujović from Belgrade.
in the morning we serve the Divine Liturgy. During the day devastating news arrive from all over and we receive more frequent calls from the very city of Peć from the sur- rounded Serbs who are being attacked from the armed rabbles.
They inform us that twenty five armed albanians broke into the Devič Monastery. as witnessed by Mother abbess anastasia, they shouted at the sisters: ”You are still here? What are you waiting for? Do you think you are going to stay in a foreign land?”
They beat the elderly nuns who defended and managed to defend the youngest among them, a nun novice Maja, almost a child, whom they wanted to kidnap. Then they locked them in their cells and went to desecrate the church and the tomb of St. joanikije of Devič. They smashed the marble grave slab with a pickaxe, turned over the things and scattered them around firing at the icons...
...a family from Peć whose last name i do not remember cries for help. if we do not get there, they will kill them all. Without wasting any time, i look for Fr. Radomir Nikčević in the monastery courtyard who is, alas, somewhere in the monastic quarters. i call him out loud being impatient to leave. He runs out and the two of us take the jeep and are already on the way to the city.
Peć is eerie silent. The silence is occasionally interrupt- ed by machine gun bursts, rare cars, dog barks and cries of albanian chasers in the remaining Serbian houses and apart- ments which they systematically burn down and loot. On the almost deserted streets there is a smell of fire, ashes, and smoke from fire debris. There is fear and uncertainty.
On the crossroads, we occasionally encounter hate-filled glances of “UÇCK” members who pass by us in the crowds. These new—time— albanian Nazis, the grandchildren of former kaçaks13 and ballists,14 the protégés of military in- structors, labs and funds of Western powers, notorious for bloody abductions, murders and terrorist attacks on Ser- bian police and civilians since 1998, became NaTO’s fist strike on earth during the aggression on Yugoslavia. Now, after Kumanovo, they have become its extended “recov- ery” hand on the ground, “the cleaners” and “the forces of order,” who are obviously getting transformed into the new albanian police and army.
We drive silently focused like soldiers. at some point, Fr. Radomir says: “Here, bishop, one can only die...” “Where else is it nicer to lose your head but here, in our beloved Kosovo!?,” i tell him. Somewhere close to the railway sta- tion, a group of albanians in military uniforms shows up right in front of us.
13 The kaçak (kachak) action : Following World War i, the alba- nian population of Kosovo-Metohija resisted the reincorporation of Serbia into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians and sought union or annexation of Kosovo and Metohija with albania, creating a Greater albania or ethnic albania. This armed resistance resulted in the kaçak actiont (from the Turkish kachmak, meaning to run away or to hide). During the Ottoman period kaçak meant outlaw, as was the case within Serbia and the kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The kaçaks were coordinated by the albanian Kosovo Com- mittee led by Bajram Curri and aided by italy whose key objective was to persuade the international community to agree to Kosovo being annexed to albania. The albanian and italian propaganda termed the kaçak outlaw action—as “national-liberation movement”. The Serbian regime termed the Greater albania movement one con- ducted by outlaws and bandits, what would be termed terrorists in the contemporary political lexicon. after 1918 italy was supporting the Greater albania Movement to gain control of albania, which it saw as a puppet and colony state. The Greater albania ideology would give Italy entrée as a colonial/imperial power in the Balkans. The Kachack guerrillas attacked and murdered government officials, po- lice, and Serbian Orthodox civilians. The fascist regime of Benito Mus- solini directly sponsored kaçak action for the the Greater albania, supporting their terrorist activities and donating 200,000 lira to Kroja and Priština, the leaders of the movement.—transl note
14 Balli Kombetar, albanian nationalists, allies of the Nazis during World War ii—transl note
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