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COLONIAL  PATTERN  OF  ECONOMICS              25
      marks of the chiefs to legal documents which they could neither
      read  nor understand.
        One of G hana’s best known chiefs, Nana Sir Ofori Atta I, told
      the Legislative Council in  1939 how six of his brother chiefs had
      been deceived when they signed away concessions to the largest
      of the mining companies. One, he said, got £66, another £133, a
      third  and  a  fourth  received  £50  each,  and  the  fifth  and  sixth
      £200 and £100 respectively.  ‘These rents,’ he added,  ‘are pay­
      able to chiefs in respect of the Ashanti Goldfields Limited,  and
      nothing goes to any of the chiefs on the profits that are earned.’1
      The chiefs tried to get the then Governor, Sir Arnold Hodson, to
      support  a  Bill  which  would  require  the  company  to  pay  the
      Native Authorities a royalty on their profits.  He refused, giving
      the reason that it would be shortsighted and extremely harmful
      to interfere because capital was very sensitive, and it might have
      the effect of driving it away to other parts of the world.
        At  the  end  of the  Ashanti  wars,  about  300  British  concerns
      secured  mining  and  tim ber  concessions  which,  according  to
      Lord Hailey,2 amounted to about a third of the total land area of
      the Gold Coast Colony, and about one-eighth of Ashanti.
        W ith all the wealth drawn from our mineral resources, it may
      come as a shock to some to learn that, except for a small annual
      tribute  from  the  gold  mines,  no  mining  company  in  the  Gold
      Coast ever made any contribution by way of direct taxes to the
      country’s  revenue,  until  my  government  introduced  its  new
      taxation  measures  in  1952,  and  these  made  no  noticeable  im ­
      pression upon the distributed profits of these companies.  I often
      wonder just  how  much  the  Union  M ini ere  du  H aut-K atanga
      paid for its concessions in the Belgian Congo!
        Commercial exploitation in our country has a long history, as
      long, in fact,  as European contact with the West African coast.
      In  keeping  with  the  imperialist  policy  of fostering  single  crop
      agriculture in the colonies, our farmers, having found that cocoa
      did well in our soil and climate, were encouraged to concentrate
      on its production to the neglect of local food crops and a diversity
      of cash crops. The encouragement of mono-crop cultivation was
      not,  however,  accompanied  by  stable  prices.  The  price  of our
      1  Gold Coast Legislative Council Debates,  1939, No.  1.
      2  Lord Hailey: African Survey, Oxford University Press, p.  778.
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