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system. Some experts argue that trilateral cooperation security
dialogue should be reinforced to cope with the North Korea-
China-Russia partnership. However, the development of this
three-way partnership has limits caused by China’s opposition
to the emergence of a “three versus three” alignment as
well as its objection to a “new Cold War” characterization.
Therefore, I would argue that further South Korea-U.S.-
Japan cooperation should not only aim at deterring the North
Korean nuclear and missile threats or coping with the rival
trilateral partnership but should also attempt to connect
with the G7 and with the QUAD (Quadrilateral Security
Dialogue) arrangement linking the United States with Japan,
Australia, and India. Otherwise, sooner or later it will face a
limit.
In summary, I strongly recommend extending the G7 to
G9 as well as expanding QUAD to a QUAD Plus. China
has recently extended BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India,
China, South Africa) to BRICS Plus and accepted new
member countries, such as Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi
Arabia and the UAE. It is time for the G7 and QUAD to
consider expanding and accepting new members and for
South Korea, the United States, and Japan to seek ways
of cooperating more closely in the context of the G9,
QUAD Plus, and other like-minded settings.
Seoul, Washington, and Tokyo should also consolidate trilateral
cooperation through an open discussion about alliances and
strategic autonomy (similar to the discussion taking place
among NATO members). Alliances and strategic autonomy are
not a zero-sum game. An open discussion will lead to further
Chapter Ten : The Stability and Sustainability of South Korea-U.S.-Japan cooperation 183