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Beijing should also be reminded that the above joint statement
is completely consistent with China’s professed commitment
to non-interference and no first use. Given recent headlines,
the two leaders could also reaffirm their commitment to the
Outer Space Treaty which, among other things, bans the
stationing of weapons of mass destruction in outer space.

Finally, officials and informed scholars from South Korea,
China, and the United States should sit down and talk about
a future unified Korean Peninsula that provides all sides with
the sense of security and stability that is missing today, given
North Korea’s willingness to undermine the interests of all
three, and Russia’s collusion in helping Pyongyang do so.
Building on overlapping short- and mid-term interests, the
three should seek common ground and a long-term vision
that might not be seen as ideal to any but would be acceptable
to all. Such a discussion most likely would have to begin at
the track 1.5/2 “unofficial” level with government officials
participating in their private capacity, but could open the door
for real peace on the Peninsula at some point in the future.

Conclusion

This volume talks about deterrence and dissuasion. We know
how to do the former. The U.S.-South Korea and U.S.-Japan
alliances have successfully kept the peace in Northeast Asia
since the end of the Korean War and promise to do so as
long as the U.S. defense commitment remains and is seen
as credible. Further institutionalization of the U.S.-South
Korea-Japan “virtual alliance,” as widely recommended in this

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