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sion of an enemy; but that it was not enough to encourage
a prince to invade other men’s rights—a circumstance that
was the chief cause of his making that law. He also thought
that it was a good provision for that free circulation of mon-
ey so necessary for the course of commerce and exchange.
And when a king must distribute all those extraordinary
accessions that increase treasure beyond the due pitch, it
makes him less disposed to oppress his subjects. Such a king
as this will be the terror of ill men, and will be beloved by
all the good.
‘If, I say, I should talk of these or such-like things to men
that had taken their bias another way, how deaf would they
be to all I could say!’ ‘No doubt, very deaf,’ answered I; ‘and
no wonder, for one is never to offer propositions or advice
that we are certain will not be entertained. Discourses so
much out of the road could not avail anything, nor have any
effect on men whose minds were prepossessed with differ-
ent sentiments. This philosophical way of speculation is not
unpleasant among friends in a free conversation; but there
is no room for it in the courts of princes, where great affairs
are carried on by authority.’ ‘That is what I was saying,’ re-
plied he, ‘that there is no room for philosophy in the courts
of princes.’ ‘Yes, there is,’ said I, ‘but not for this speculative
philosophy, that makes everything to be alike fitting at all
times; but there is another philosophy that is more pliable,
that knows its proper scene, accommodates itself to it, and
teaches a man with propriety and decency to act that part
which has fallen to his share. If when one of Plautus’ come-
dies is upon the stage, and a company of servants are acting

42 Utopia