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by the whims of the ruler himself. Yang clearly sought to   circulated through the realm. Yang’s vision of these rulers
          push back against these other forces, drawing on the   became the dominant and the most cited one for the rest of
          personal authority of his four decades at court, to present a   the dynasty. In these accounts the rulers are portrayed in a
          narrative asserting that the imperial legacy was a largely   flattering light, but they are also cut down to size. They are
          civil one.                                        concerned and worried rulers who confide in their trusted
            To this end, Yang produced an unofficial ‘private’ record   advisors. Yang’s image of the Yongle emperor is particularly
          aimed at an audience beyond the court, presenting a ruler   striking, for here we are drawn far away from the imagery of
          sensitive to ‘literati’ concerns and values. In the recounting   the warrior king who contends on the northern steppe, and
          of intimate exchanges between the ruler and his secretaries,   are closer to a sagely and very human Yongle, widely
          Yang seems to have redefined the protocol for disclosure of   celebrated as an ideal over the course of the dynasty.
          imperial affairs. Thus he found the need to defend himself in
          his preface. The Record of Imperial Pronouncements was the first   Notes
          record of the Ming court compiled for circulation to a   1  Yang Shiqi 1998, 387–415. The preface is on 387–8.
          readership beyond it.                             2  For an account of the Ming Veritable Records, see Xie Guian 1995
                                                               and Franke 1961.
            The Record of Imperial Pronouncements was republished   3  On the compilation of the first Ming Precious Admonitions, see Niu
          frequently over the course of the dynasty. By the early 16th   Jianqiang 2000.
          century, it appeared in anthologies like the Collection of   4  See the imperial preface to the Taizong baoxun in Lü Ben et al. 1996,
          Illuminations of the Good (Mingliangji 明良集) by Huo Tao 霍韜   53.784.
                   22
          (1487–1540).  In the tumultuous years of the Zhengde   5  For an account of Yang Shiqi’s works and their publication, see
                                                               Yang Shiqi 1998, 1–3.
          (1506–21) and Jiajing (1522–66) reigns, scholars like Yang   6  For an inventory of Yang’s writings, see Li Jinggeng and Huang
          Yiqing 楊一清 (1454–1530) cited Yang Shiqi’s work as one of   Peijun 2008.
          the important sources to learn about the interactions   7  Yang Shiqi 1998, 1.
          between ruler and minister, as the Veritable Records were   8  On the career of Wang Zhen, see Hammond 2002. On the politics
                                                               of the early Zhengtong reign, see Twitchett and Grimm 1988,
          unavailable.  In his compilation on the Hanlin Academy,   306–9.
                   23
          the Cantonese scholar Huang Zuo 黄佐 (1490–1566) cited   9  For a study of the Capital Gazette in Ming times, see Yin Yungong
          Yang’s Record of Sagely Proclamations as representing an ideal   1990.
          age. On the etiquette for submitting memorials, he cited   10  See, for example, Huang Zuo 1560–6, 1.13a–14a.
          examples from Yang’s work, indicating that things were   11  For a summary of the historical revisions under the Yongle
                                                               emperor, see Chan 2005.
          done properly in those days. ‘One can see’, he exclaimed,   12  For a comprehensive study of this text, see Wang Chongwu 1948.
          ‘how ruler and minister worked together.’         13  Yang Xinhua and Lu Haiming 2001, 616–17.
                                          24
            Yang Shiqi’s work established a significant precedent. By   14  Yang Shiqi 1998, 387.
          the end of the 1440s, the court was plunged into chaos with   15  Yang Shiqi 1998, 394.
                                                            16  See Ditmanson 1999, ch. 7.
          the capture of the Zhengtong emperor at Tumu, the ascent   17  Yang Shiqi 1998, 387.
          of his half-brother as the Jingtai emperor and the abrupt   18  MSL Taizong shilu 33.581 (2/7/壬戌) [28 August 1404].
          restoration of Zhu Qizhen as the Tianshun emperor in 1457.   19  Yang Shiqi 1998, 400.
          In the wake of this tumult, the grand secretaries and other   20  On the machinations of Zhu Gaoxu against his brother, see Chan
                                                               1988, 210 and 278.
          high court officials in succeeding generations began to   21  Yang Shiqi 1998, 403–4.
          publish their own private memoirs, airing their views and   22  For a description, see the prefatory comments by the editors of the
          opinions and versions of events at court to an interested   Sikuquanshu, e-SKQS 53.18a–b.
          reading public.  Through works such as Li Xian’s 李賢   23  Yang Yiqing n.d., 18.44a.
                      25
          (1408–67) Daily Record of the Tianshun Reign (Tianshun rilu    24  Huang Zuo 1560–6, 6.7b.
                                                            25  For an overview of several of these private narratives that emerged
          天順日錄), people learned about the court in narratives that   in the 1460s and beyond, see the extensive notes in the ‘Selected
          were more boldly divergent from the official narrative of the   Bibliography’ of De Heer 1986.
          Veritable Records.
            Over the course of the dynasty, it was Yang Shiqi’s
          portrait of Yongle, along with his son and grandson, that
























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