Page 103 - EVOLUTION OF THE SUDAN PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT(SPLM),

8.2 Recommendations

If seized, the current crisis could be turned into an opportunity for political and constitutional
transformation. Evidence indicates that the situation is dynamic, volatile and so dangerous that
an external helping-hand is necessary to save the country from sliding into a civil war. In order
to restore peace and order to South Sudan, such an assistance is crucial to build up confidence

and calm the animosity among the conflicting parties. Dialogue between the current two factions
led by the President and Vice President of the country will not solve the problem. Without the
willingness of the SPLM to transform itself into a democratic political party, the current crisis

will not be addressed peacefully.
The various state institutions, specifically those expected to serve as ‘shock absorbers’ during

such a crisis, like the judiciary, the parliament and the military, are either partisan and part of
the crisis, or are seriously unable to deal with such a problem. Consequently, from a short term
point of view, in the absence of relevant democratic institutions, elections could be the source

of an increasing violence cycle. Without fundamental reforms of the South Sudanese state-
structure and its political institutions, peace and security will remain elusive. At the end, for
a truly comprehensive nation-building process in South Sudan, a democratic popularly ratified
constitution will be vital.

A short transitional process for vetting and re-establishing some degree of public trust and

capability regarding the most vital democratic institutions of the country will be essential to move
forward in solving the crisis. In seeking at least temporary stability, necessary for a peaceful and
democratic South Sudan, particular attention should be paid to national constitutive dialogue.
Such an inclusive constitutive dialogue endows, of course, a new constitution with the necessary
legitimacy. In this regard, South Sudan would have an excellent opportunity to make use of the

successes and failures of neighboring countries, such as Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda and Eritrea.

This would require different concerted short-term and long-term efforts by the international
and pan-African communities. Without concerted effort of the Pan-African and the international
community, South Sudan could slip into another failed state in a region already plagued by
state fragmentation and failure. The humanitarian implications of a total failure of the new state

will be grisly to anticipate. All inter- and intra-national actors involved need to ensure that
the political leadership of the SPLM and the military command of the SPLM are going to take
reform of the state seriously. With robust unified pressure on all parties to the current crisis and
strict monitoring and evaluation mechanisms backed by strong sanctions from the UNSC and the

AU as well as the IGAD, an inclusive and comprehensive national constitutive dialogue could
deliver the necessary stability, legitimacy and constitutional democracy that endures. In short
this research makes a series of recommendations:

First and foremost the research recommends that the political and military leadership in South
Sudan together with the supporting international partners develop through a transformation

dialogue a consensus on a definition of transformation which is relevant and timely for the
SPLM. Such a consensus must revolve around what the most critical elements of transformation
for the SPLM entails. As a recommendation, perhaps some of the most critical elements worth
considering as priorities for transformation could include a combination of force structure, ethos
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