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any case, critics argue, the donor driven efforts in South Sudan have always failed or partially
succeeded on the humanitarian front.
The political solution thus need to focus on seeking a political solution and establishing of
a developmental state that would revamp the economy, reconfigure the state with a view of
establishing new power relation and creation of a society that is hopeful and innovative. The
model of development must realize public goods and utilities in the short and medium term
before South Sudan embraces fully markets and liberal democracy.
The starting point is entering into a new social contract and transformation of the state, society
and the economy. The role of the military and other security agencies must be addressed such
that the military withdraws from politics, and is reformed in manner that addresses the security
concerns of South Sudan. The high level of unemployment, insecurity, lack of sufficient
infrastructure, communication and economic growth has hindered sustainable post conflict
reconstruction. Furthermore, the economy is rather informal and war driven thus making post
conflict reconstruction impossible.
A new model of reconstruction thus is warranted just like a new initiative of post conflict
reconstruction. A new political, economic and social model of reconstruction is called for and
warrants attention. In particular, political settlement, economic model that is state led and a new
social regeneration that embraces reconciliation with strong safety nets in the short and medium
term. What however is clear is that a new reconstruction model should not reproduce the past
but incorporate new ideas based on the aspirations, hopes and fears of the people of South Sudan.
The liberal peace narrative involves export of liberal frameworks of good governance, multiparty
elections, constitutionalism, rule of law and markets. Once implemented, the national and social
question is betrayed or post phoned, as it has been the case with other post conflict reconstruction
in Angola, Iraq and Haiti. In fact the model reflects hegemonic values and geo strategic interests
of western donors especially the troika in stamping the economic authority on the poor and fragile
South Sudan. Similar model of reconstruction was applied on Haiti on numerous occasions with
similar outcomes since 1991. In fact it created chronic political instability and aid agencies such
as NGOs acquired most of the money with government receiving only 1%. This weakened state
institution while corruption thrived. Some scholars have rightly observed that such reconstruction
model only prepares way for structural adjustment policies similar to what Africa went through
in the 1980s with adverse effects.
Yet there are successful models of reconstruction with positive outcomes that are not entirely
market based. In Angola for example, the MPLA pursued a state led national reconstruction
that resulted to double-digit economic growth supported by petro dollars. The reconstruction
target key priority areas such as infrastructure development. Meanwhile, the Gross Domestic
Product increased ten times since the end of the civil war in 2002. The MPLA government
builds war torn Angola with minimal input from western governments and Non-Governmental
Organizations. The government through use of the expatriate labour force stabilized the economy
and hard currency reserves increased. Security infrastructure and environment improved creating
a conducive environment for Foreign Direct investment. There are similarities here with South
Sudan economy worth considering. Firstly, both are oil dependent economies and undiversified
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