Page 136 - Malcolm Gladwell - Talking to Strangers
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800,000 traffic stops a year in the space of seven years.

                        The  Drug  Enforcement  Agency  used  “Operation  Pipeline”  to  teach  tens  of
                     thousands of local police officers across the United States how to use Kansas City–
                     style traffic stops to catch drug couriers. Immigration officials started using police stops
                     to catch undocumented immigrants. Today, police officers in the United States make
                     something like twenty million traffic stops a year. That’s 55,000 a day. All over the
                     United States, law enforcement has tried to replicate the miracle in District 144. The
                     key word in that sentence is tried. Because in the transition from Kansas City to the rest
                     of the country, something crucial in Lawrence Sherman’s experiment was lost.



                                                           4.



                     The Lawrence Sherman who went to Kansas City is the same Larry Sherman who had
                     worked with David Weisburd in Minneapolis a few years earlier, establishing the Law
                     of Crime Concentration. They were friends. They taught together for a time at Rutgers,
                     where their department chairman was none other than Ronald Clarke, who had done
                     the pioneering work on suicide. Clarke, Weisburd, and Sherman—with their separate
                     interests in English town gas, the crime map of Minneapolis, and guns in Kansas City
                     —were all pursuing the same revolutionary idea of coupling.

                        And what was the principal implication of coupling? That law enforcement didn’t
                     need to be bigger; it needed to be more focused. If criminals operated overwhelmingly
                     in a few concentrated hot spots, those crucial parts of the city should be more heavily
                     policed than anywhere else, and the kinds of crime-fighting strategies used by police in
                     those areas ought to be very different from those used in the vast stretches of the city
                     with virtually no crime at all.
                        “If crime is concentrated on a few percent of the city streets,” Weisburd asked, “why
                     the  hell  are  you  wasting  resources  everywhere?  If  it’s  coupled  to  those  places  and
                     doesn’t move easily, even more so.” The coupling theorists believed they had solved
                     the problem that had so confounded the earlier days of preventive patrol. How do you
                     effectively patrol a vast urban area with a few hundred police officers? Not by hiring
                     more police officers, or by turning the entire city into a surveillance state. You do it by
                     zeroing in on those few specific places where all the crime is.

                        But  think  back  to  those  statistics  from  North  Carolina.  If  you  go  from  400,000
                     traffic stops in one year to 800,000 seven years later, does that sound like focused and
                     concentrated  policing?  Or  does  that  sound  like  the  North  Carolina  State  Highway
                     Patrol hired a lot more police officers and told everyone, everywhere, to pull over a lot
                     more motorists? The lesson the law-enforcement community took from Kansas City
                     was that preventive patrol worked if it was more aggressive. But the part they missed
                     was  that  aggressive  patrol  was  supposed  to  be  confined  to  places  where  crime  was
                     concentrated. Kansas City had been a coupling experiment.
                        Weisburd and Sherman say they have trotted out their maps and numbers, trying to
                     convince their peers of the Law of Crime Concentration, to little effect. Back in the
                     72nd  precinct  in  Brooklyn  where  he  began  his  work,  after  a  long  day  roaming  the
                     neighborhood, Weisburd would turn to the police officers he had been walking with
                     and say, “Isn’t it strange how we’re returning again and again to the same blocks?”
                     They would look at him blankly.
                        “I was in a meeting with the deputy commissioner [of police] in Israel,” Weisburd
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