Page 367 - The Encyclopedia of Taoism v1_A-L

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and *Zhang Wanfu's (early eighth century) Chuanshou sandong jingjie falu
liieshuo NI 1';1:: 111iJ t,:'ii ft~ it, f?; IBfi ~jt (Synopsis of Transmissions for Scriptures,
Precepts, and Liturgical Registers of the Three Caverns; CT 1241) of 713
(Benn 1991, 148-51). Such texts distinguish the daoshi from lower functionar-
ies, such as various classes of *fashi (ritual masters) and dizi m ~ (disciples).
But the specifications for each class varied from text to text, and some classes
even extended to transcendent beings. So it remains unclear how much such
formulations ever really reflected, or even affected, actual practices or even
standard expectations.
Functions, roles, and images. In general, it is safe to say that from the late Six
Dynasties to the present, Taoists have used the term daoshi to designate reli-
gious specialists of Taoist organizations, as distinguished from specialists of
other recognized traditions, like Buddhism, and from specialists of non-rec-
ognized traditions, like local cults. Since the latter distinction seems to have
been difficult for some non-Taoists to grasp, Taoists periodically took pains to
distinguish themselves from the officiants of cults they deemed less sophisti-
cated or less admirable (Stein R. A. 1979; Schipper 1985e). In such connections,
the term daoshi denoted a religious specialist who was properly initiated and
trained in the noble traditions of the Dao, was operating under the auspices
of a reputable and duly instituted organization, and deserved the respect of
all members of society. Someone who lacked the proper initiation or training,
or was not operating under duly instituted authority, was identified by Tao-
ists as someone alien to their tradition. That distinction endures in Chinese
communities to the present (Schipper 1985e). As a result, the social status of
daoshi per se usually remained high, though their other characteristics often
varied. Modern accounts often dwell upon whether certain clerics married
or observed certain dietary restrictions. History, however, reveals that such
categorizations were often vague idealizations, rather than institutions en-
forced by ecclesiastical authority. Taoists' general disinterest in formalizing
rigid standards led Tang emperors to establish imperial oversight, and even
to attempt to set clerical standards for Taoists loath to do so for themselves
(Barrett 1996). Government supervision of the Taoist clergy has lingered, in
some form, to the present day.
Many modern presentations of the Taoist priesthood privilege the institu-
tions of the Tianshi and *Zhengyi traditions. Zhengyi priests, like the *Lingbao
liturgists of the Six Dynasties, still conduct liturgies (such as the *jiao and *zhai)
intended to protect, order, and sanctify the local community. But Zhengyi really
represents only one important variation among Taoist religious institutions,
and overemphasis on its traditions has obscured several fundamental facts about
the Taoist priesthood more broadly. For instance, during the Tang, women
were duly ordained as daoshi (Despeux 1986; Kirkland 1991), and women clerics