Page 240 - The Social Animal
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222 The Social Animal


           need to find additional reasons; consequently, they continued to like
           the toy.
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               Jonathan Freedman extended our findings and dramatically il-
           lustrated the permanence of the phenomenon. He used as his “cru-
           cial toy” an extremely attractive battery-powered robot that scurries
           around, hurling objects at a child’s enemies. The other toys were
           sickly by comparison. Naturally, all of the children preferred the
           robot. He then asked them not to play with that toy, threatening
           some children with mild punishment and others with severe punish-
           ment. Then he left the school and never returned. Several weeks
           later, a young woman came to the school to administer some paper-
           and-pencil tests to the children. The children were unaware of the
           fact that she was working for Freedman or that her presence was in
           any way related to the toys or the threats that had occurred earlier.
           But it just so happened that she was administering her test in the
           same room Freedman had used for his experiment—the room where
           the same toys were casually scattered about. After she administered
           the test to the children, she asked them to hang around while she
           scored it—and suggested, offhandedly, that they might want to
           amuse themselves with those toys someone had left in the room.
               Freedman’s results are highly consistent with our own. The over-
           whelming majority of the children who had been mildly threatened
           weeks earlier refused to play with the robot; they played with the
           other toys instead. On the other hand, the great majority of the chil-
           dren who had been severely threatened did, in fact, play with the
           robot. In sum, a severe threat was not effective in inhibiting subse-
           quent behavior—but the effect of one mild threat inhibited behavior
           as much as 9 weeks later. Again, the power of this phenomenon rests
           on the fact that the children did not come to devalue this behavior
           (playing with the toy) because an adult told them it was undesirable;
           they convinced themselves that it was undesirable. My guess is that this
           process may well apply beyond mere toy preference to more basic and
           important areas, such as the control of aggression. Partial support for
           this guess can be derived from some correlational studies performed
           in the area of child development indicating that parents who use se-
           vere punishment to stop a child’s aggression tend to have children
           who, while not very aggressive at home, display a great deal of aggres-
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           sion at school and at play away from home. This is precisely what we
           would expect from the compliance model discussed in Chapter 2.
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