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36 The Social Animal


           particular way because such behavior is intrinsically satisfying; rather,
           we adopt a particular behavior because it puts us in a satisfying rela-
           tionship to the person or persons with whom we are identifying.
           Identification differs from compliance in that we do come to believe
           in the opinions and values we adopt, although we do not believe in
           them very strongly. Thus, if we find a person or a group attractive or
           appealing in some way, we will be inclined to accept influence from
           that person or group and adopt similar values and attitudes—not to
           obtain a reward or avoid a punishment (as in compliance), but sim-
           ply to be like that person or group. I refer to this as the good-old-
           Uncle-Charlie phenomenon. Suppose you have an uncle named
           Charlie who happens to be a warm, dynamic, exciting person; ever
           since you were a young child, you loved him and wanted to grow up
           to be like him. Uncle Charlie is a corporate executive who has a
           number of strong opinions, including a deep antipathy to social wel-
           fare legislation. That is, he is convinced that anyone who really tries
           can earn a decent wage and that, by handing money to people, the
           government only succeeds in eliminating their desire to work. As a
           young child, you heard Uncle Charlie announce this position on sev-
           eral occasions, and it has become part of your system of beliefs—not
           because you thought it through and it seemed right to you or because
           Uncle Charlie rewarded you for adopting (or threatened to punish
           you for not adopting) this position. Rather, it has become part of
           your belief system because of your liking for Uncle Charlie, which
           has produced in you a tendency to incorporate into your life that
           which is his.
               This phenomenon occurs often when we encounter the opinions
           of people we like or admire—even relative strangers. Geoffrey Cohen
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           and Michael Prinstein asked high school students to participate in
           online chat room discussions with one another. One of the topics
           being discussed was what students would do if offered marijuana at
           a party. In one condition, the participants were led to believe that
           they were “chatting” with two popular and admired classmates from
           their school (the high school equivalents of Uncle Charlie). In the
           other, these classmates were identified as students of merely average
           popularity. When participants believed they were chatting with the
           classmates who were popular, they were far more likely to adopt their
           opinions. If the admired classmates said they would smoke the mar-
           ijuana, the participants tended to agree that they, too, would smoke
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