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DPR-RI DURING THE NEW ORDER:
                                                                                     STRENGTHENING THE ROLE OF THE STATE (1967-1998)




                  DPR UNTIL THE END OF THE NEW ORDER IN 1992-1998:


                  A CHALLENGE TO THE RISE

                  OF DEMOCRATIZATION?



                  It seemed that the government tended to place the DPR as subordinate to the

                  state, or at least the Government’s partner in achieving the dual targets of the
                  New Order State: political stability and economic growth.










                  IN the New Order’s political blueprint, the DPR was not an autonomous
                  political institution. Through various instruments, the DPR was “regulat-
                  ed” and “controlled” by the State. In the terms of budget, for example, the
                  DPR did not have autonomous financial rights. The Council’s budget was
                  subordinated to the State Secretariat, so there was very little opportunity
                  for this people’s representative institution to freely design the budget and
                  finance its activities and needs. This meant that the political activity of
                  the Council was highly dependent on the state, so there was relatively
                  little chance of taking a different stance.

                  This tendency to place the DPR more as a “partner” of the state was also
                  reflected in the membership structure and recruitment mechanism of the
                  DPR members. Apart from the elected members, the President also had
                  the authority to appoint 100 people (20 percent) as members of ABRI.
                  Meanwhile the elected members of the Council were not representatives
                  of  the  people  in  the  true  sense.  Candidates  were  determined  by  the
                  central board of socio-political organizations and controlled by elements
                  of  the  state,  bureaucracy,  and  military  through  the  special  research
                  mechanism.

                  So, many DPR members were not critical of the government because
                  they  were  being  held  hostage.  However,  for  the  period  of  1992-1998,
                  there began to be a bit of movement from critical members. This was
                  due to several things. First, the breakdown of good relations between the
                  President and the military, especially since a civilian figure was elected
                  the first time as Chairman of Golkar, namely Harmoko, through the 1993
                  Functional Groups National Meeting. Second, internal divisions within





                    dpr.go.id                                                                              227
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