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by ancestors. In material culture, links can be found in such things as styles of house, dance,
                                      and food. For example, the traditional house was called batang in Gamkonora and hifualamo
                                      in Pagu (hifua meant home and lumo meant great). Formerly, the New Order government
                                      eliminated local customs and one of them was the hifualamo, the traditional house. After
                                      the fall of the New Order government, 10 hoana groups (indigenous communities) namely
                                      Modole, Pagu, Line, Towliine, Boeng, Huboto, Mumulati, Gura, Morodina, and Morodai
                                      re-established hifualamo in downtown Tobelo on April 19, 2007. Meanwhile, ten hoana
                                      still maintained their traditional homes. In Galela, there was bangsaha whose name was
                                      similar to a traditional house of inland Tobaru which was different from the coast Tobaru
                                      speakers term that called it hoana morodai. There were many types of custom homes such
                                      as batang, sasahu, hifualamo, bangsaha, hoana morodai and many more. The traditional
                                      houses owned by Oirata were not only found in North Maluku, Southeast Maluku, Kisar
                                      Island, but also in Alor (owned by Kafoa, Hamap and Kui) in Timor Island especially Atambua
                                      (owned by Kemak, Dawan, Bunaq and Tetun) in Papua and Melanesia territory. A wide
                                      variety of traditional houses seemed to have a similar basic form; round or rectangular; and
                                      a thatched roof (Kleden-Probonegoro, 2013a: 54).
                                         Fourth, the acceptance of cultural change with the advent of new words scattered
                                      throughout the region and functioning as a meeting place for traditional meeting in our
                                      country also indicates the relationship between the North Maluku and Melanesia. The
                                      word ‘sawah’, for example, is not found in the Gamkonora dictionary. They recognize the
                                      term ‘bida’ which means rice (raw rice) which could also mean rice (cooked rice). (Raw) rice
                                      and (cooked) rice are known in Gamkonora culture whereas the word ‘sawah’ is not known
                                      because the rice planted in Gamkonora is a type of dry land rice. But after the Agricultural
                                      Agency  of West Halmahera  District,  Mahardi  Rappang  introduced  a system  that used
                                      paddy irrigation supplied by mangrove land water in 2007, hence the word ‘sawah’ entered
                                      the Gamkonora lexicon.
                                         These examples show a a connection between the languages of non-Austronesian
                                      speakers in North Maluku and languages and speakers of Eastern Malayo-Polynesian.
                                      The  Gamkonora language as one of North Maluku language groups can represent
                                      Melanesia in the sense of being a mixture between Austronesian and non-Austronesian
                                      and the existence of borrowed vocabulary for cultural phenomena.
                                         The mixture of linguistic features of non-Austronesian and Austronesian languages
                                      and certain similarities in physical culture in North Maluku are not enough to conclude
                                      that  the  language  and  local  culture  were  isolated  from  outside  influence,  but  rather



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