Page 89 - Journal of Management Inquiry, July 2018
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           organizational storytelling, the greater plasticity of digital   This involves evaluation of the “reality” and sincerity of the
           organizational stories means that the distinction between   story, as well as the intentions of the storyteller. However, the
           audience and storyteller is more blurred, and the ability of   authenticity of a digital organizational story can be extremely
           audiences to communicate their rejection of a story is inten-  difficult to ascertain.  The creative affordances associated
           sified. An  example  that  illustrates  this  dialogical  potential   with digital Internet communication result in frequent con-
           concerns car manufacturer, Chevrolet, which used YouTube   testation of authenticity (Kaare & Lundby, 2008). In a hybrid
           to invite audiences to use animated clips of a new sports util-  physical–virtual space such as YouTube, it can be difficult to
           ity vehicle to create their own commercial. YouTube users   ascertain the verisimilitude of user-generated content.
           deliberately  parodied  the  vehicle’s  design  features  to  tell   Violations of authenticity may arise from the ease with which
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           astory about its negative environmental impact;  This was an   digital identities and images can be manipulated. Trying to
           oppositional reading (Hall, 1980) to the storytelling message   establish whether content is authentic, including whether it is
           the organization intended to communicate.          produced “bottom up” by amateurs or “top down” by corpo-
             However, not all digital organizational storytellers have   rate interests, has therefore become part of the participatory
           equal status within the cultural circuits of capital (Thrift,   cultural repertoire of “YouTubers” (Burgess & Green, 2009).
           2005) enabled by Internet communication. Internet sites like   Authenticity can be demonstrated through individual self-
           YouTube are characterized by tensions between content   expression, such as by using the technique of “vlogging,”
           generated by amateurs, including non-profit and community   delivering an autobiographical video diary straight-to-cam-
           organizations, and professionals driven by institutional and   era. Concerns about inauthentic digital organizational story-
           commercial interests (Consalvo, 2003; Kim, 2012). Digital   telling  can  arise  when  corporations  engage  in  digital
           organizational storytelling takes place in a context where   organizational storytelling in a way that obscures their iden-
           amateur, grassroots, and corporate storytellers “converge”   tity as storytellers. This is referred to as “astroturfing” and
           and intersect (Jenkins, 2006). Yet some scholars are cautious   involves the production of “fake grassroots media content . . .
           of “celebratory” (Fuchs, 2014, p. 65) accounts that position   by commercial media companies and special interest
           Internet audiences as democratically engaged and continu-  groups,”  which  is  “passed  off  as  coming  from  individual
           ally resisting (Dean, 2009), as these tend to overlook the   amateurs” (Jenkins, 2009, p. 122). A prominent example of
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           importance of capitalist interests that rely on the creation of   this involves the YouTube video “Al Gore’s Penguin Army,”
           shareholder value through exploitation (Fuchs, 2014;   a  satirical  parody  of  the  popular  documentary  film,  An
           Terranova, 2000).                                   Inconvenient Truth (2006), which features former Democratic
             In addition to these characteristics, we argue that digital   Vice President of the United States, Al Gore, talking about
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           organizational storytelling can be distinguished from other   the effects of climate change . Originally thought to be the
           types of organizational story through its reliance on particu-  work of an amateur, Al Gore’s Penguin Army was posted on
           lar communicative codes, or “network protocols” (Castells,   YouTube in June 2006 and to date has generated more than
           2009), that make shared meaning possible. The first of these   600,000 views. The video was later exposed as having been
           we term amateurism. Stories on YouTube that have a home-  produced by public relations and lobbying firm the DCI
           made or unprofessional character are more highly valued   Group whose clients include ExxonMobil and General
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           than those that display professional, corporate characteristics   Motors,  thereby undermining the authenticity of both the
           (Burgess & Green, 2009). This arises from YouTube’s repu-  storyteller and the story. Establishing authenticity thus relies
           tation as a place for displaying and sharing images that rep-  on assessment of the social authority of the storyteller,
           resent mundane experiences of ordinary people (Kim, 2012).   including whether or not he or she understands and observes
           A further protocol that characterizes digital storytelling and   the protocols that determine inclusion in the network.
           connects storytellers to others in the network is the value of   On the basis of this review, we suggest that although
           affinity, which involves “feelings of membership in a social   other forms of organizational storytelling are  potentially
           network, and feelings of attraction to people, things or ideas”   dialogical, the affordances of digital communication
           (Lange, 2009, p. 71). The construction of affinity relies on   heighten this in interesting and important ways. This results
           establishment of communicative connections between peo-  in stories where meaning is more pluralistic, in terms of the
           ple and can involve large organizational networks operating   voices that are heard, and more open to questionin terms of
           alongside smaller, personal ones. Establishing and maintain-  the claims that are made. Yet, as we have argued, participa-
           ing affinity require continuous attention to ensure that con-  tion in digital organizational storytelling relies on observing
           nections and relationships are captured and kept.  This is   and respecting the network protocols that determine a social
           achieved by encouraging “viewers to whom the video is   actor’s ability to influence the decisions of other social
           addressed” to respond to “maintain a field of connection   actors in the network in ways that favor their own interests
           between creator and viewer” (Lange, 2009, p. 73).  and values. This raises questions about the nature of organi-
             The  third  protocol  that  determines  participation  in  the   zational power relations, the patterns of social interaction
           digital organizational storytelling network is  authenticity.   between storytellers and audiences, and the conventions that
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