Page 207 - Histories of City and State in the Persian Gulf_Neat
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‘Disorder’, political sociability and the urban public sphere  187













            they envisaged was exclusive to Arabs. Persian Shi‘is, for instance, boy-
















            cotted the movement on the grounds that al-Ha’yah had betrayed its











            claims to patriotism (al-wataniyyah) by supporting the supremacy of the
















            Arabs as a political community (al-qawmiyyah). The secular Arabism






            advocated by al-Bakir was inevitably a narrowly defined discourse of





















            political emancipation which serve to trigger the emergence of competing





            ideologies. This is also suggested by the evolution of the ma’tams, whose

















            followers provided their own religiously oriented interpretation of
            Arabism as a struggle against oppression (zulm) informed by divine jus-
            tice. Some Shi‘i factions which operated within al-Ha’yah even came to
            political maturity under a splinter group called the National Pact shortly
            before the disbandment of the organisation. 96
              In the age of nationalist upheaval Persian Shi‘is formed their own
            societies and political organisations. Clubs and football associations
            emerged after World War II under the umbrella of the Iranian Union
            School. The Firdawsi club, established in 1946, continued its relentless
            promotion of Iranian culture and maintained strong connections with the
            oil company, which absorbed the largest proportion of the Persian labour
            force. 97  An underground organisation influenced by the Iranian
            Communist party (Tudeh) started to operate in Manama under the
            name of Hizb-i ‘Adalat in the early 1950s, while pictures of Musaddiq
            were displayed in the shops in support of the nationalisation of the Iranian
            oil industry. By 1956 community leaders were petitioning Belgrave for
            permission to form their own national committee modelled on al-
            Ha’yah. 98
              The nationalist press also provides evidence of the exclusive nature of
            the political discourse propagated by the intelligentsia of the national
            movement. Images of aloof but threatening Persians, Indians and Jews
            featured prominently in editorials and cartoons. After the establishment
            of Israel the position of many Jews became precarious, both socially and
            economically, and in 1947 protesters had targeted the Eastern Bank,
            which employed many members of the community. 99  Indians, who rep-
            resented a large proportion of the professional and clerical classes by the
            96
              Interview with ‘Ali Akbar Bushehri, Manama, 20 April and 15 September 2004; Khuri,
              Tribe and State in Bahrain, p. 209.
            97
              Constitution of the Firdawsi club, 17 June 1946, BA; Khuri, Tribe and State in Bahrain,
              pp. 177–8.
            98
              Interview with ‘Ali Akbar Bushehri, Manama, 20 April and 15 September 2004; Belgrave
              to Political Agent Bahrain, 17 February 1948, R/15/2/485 IOR; Qubain, ‘Social Classes
              and Tensions’, 275; Belgrave Diaries, 4 September 1956, AWDU; Beiling, ‘Recent
              Developments in Labor Relations in Bahrayn’, 157.
            99
              Belgrave Diaries, 2 December 1947, AWDU.
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