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216    Histories of City and State in the Persian Gulf

              the cultivators to pay a fixed rent in kind. 59  Yet the emphasis on agricul-
              tural development and the increasingly lucrative prospects offered by
              artesian wells played a part in the adjudication of land rights in the
              1930s. The Tabu issued title deeds for small plots on the basis of ten
              years of occupancy to reward cultivators for having maintained produc-
              tivity. To a certain extent it endorsed the Islamic principle of ihya’ (regen-
              eration) invoked in the nineteenth century by Shi‘i clerics in order to
              bolster the claims of villagers over uncultivated land whose ownership
              (according to Shi‘i jurisprudence) had reverted to God. In many cases this
              practice, popularly known as wada‘a al-yad (literally, to lay one’s hand;
              i.e., to claim usufruct), allowed villagers to appropriate open grounds
              located at the margins of cultivated areas. 60  Moreover, the Tabu protected
              the interests of Shi‘i rural communities by allowing village committees to
              participate in the redrawing of the boundaries of plots.


                     The decline of agriculture and the ideology
                     of rural resistance
              In contrast with Manama, the landscape of Bahrain’s agricultural hamlets
              in the oil era continued to be characterised by poverty and decay, a reflec-
              tion of the social and economic realities of a vanishing rural world. In
              speech and appearance villagers continued to be noticeably different from
              townsfolk, easily distinguished in the crowds at the markets of Manama and
              in the oil fields where many of them came to be employed. The oil company
              provided the only form of modern transport for villagers, although during
              World War II they started to organise buses to take agricultural produce to
              Manama. The marketing of both foodstuffs and modern commodities
              continued to be heavily dependent on peddlers who purchased provisions
                                                       61
              in Manama, in some cases until the early 1960s.  Isolation from the out-
              side world epitomised the seemingly unchanging and backward nature of
              Shi‘i rural society in contrast with Manama’s ‘modern’ life blessed by
              consumerism, Western influence and technological innovation.
                In spite of the efforts of the Land Department, a number of factors dealt
              the final blow to Bahrain’s traditional village economy. First, the govern-
              ment did not earmark funds for the development of Bahrain’s rural infra-
              structure until the administrative reorganisation of the agricultural regions
              59
                I‘lan Hukumah al-Bahrayn, n. 1112/17 of 1347, R/15/2/1227 IOR; Khuri, Tribe and State
                in Bahrain, pp. 37–49.
              60
                Hamza, Mu‘jam, p. 98; I‘lan Hukumah al-Bahrayn n.1 of 1361, HA.
              61
                ‘Annual Report for the Year 1365’ in The Bahrain Government Annual Reports, 1924–1970,
                vol. III, pp. 104–5. H. A. Hansen, Investigation in a Shi‘a Village in Bahrain (Copenhagen:
                National Museum of Denmark, 1967), p. 61.
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