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              not contribute to the demographic growth of Manama, which was fuelled
              mainly by immigration from overseas. The continuity of settlement main-
              tained a degree of social unity among old village communities, serving to
              keep alive religious codes and traditions. In the 1940s a young trading elite
              which had benefited from the oil boom started to establish ‘official’ houses
              of mourning in rural communities organised around family factions,
              which were modelled upon the ma’tams which had mushroomed in
                                            66
              Manama at the turn of the century.
                Religious ideology did not provide the main impetus for the political
              mobilisation of the workforce of rural extraction against the government
              in the 1950s. As we have seen their cause was taken up instead by the
              nationalist and labour activists based in Manama. The response of the
              villagers to the nationalist agitations was largely determined by their
              occupation and by the political inclinations of their traditional leaders,
              particularly men of religion and families which controlled ma’tams. 67    In
              1958 a member of the staff of the British residency commenting on the
              prospects of the newly formed Department of Rural Affairs envisaged that
              many villagers might turn into supporters of the Al Khalifah given that
              Arab nationalism had left the sectarian and traditionalist outlook of
              Bahrain’s rural society ‘comparatively untouched’. 68
                The conservatism of rural society reproduced the tensions between the
              Shi‘i population and the Al Khalifah family which had dominated Bahrain’s
              agrarian question before the reforms. With the gradual disappearance of the
              indigenous agricultural economy, the importance of land as ideological
              capital increased. Partly encouraged by the failure of land registration to
              break the monopoly of the Al Khalifah, Shi’i clerics and mullas used the loss
              of agricultural land as a rallying cry against the ‘neo-tribal’ regime sup-
              ported by Belgrave. Revisiting the old popular myth of Bahrain as the
              ‘Islands of Paradise’, they voiced their opposition to the new government
              by condemning the ‘alien’ tribal culture of the Al Khalifah which continued
              to wreak havoc amongst Bahrain’s native population. The loss of land also
              featured prominently as a major topic of sorrow and reproach among Shi‘is
              of rural extraction living in Manama who accused a number of prominent
              families of collaboration with the Al Khalifah in the early nineteenth cen-
              tury. 69  Contrary to the predictions of the British residency, the failure of
              66
                Lawson, Bahrain: The Modernization of Autocracy, p. 58.
              67
                See for instance the case of the village of al-Diraz split between the al-Shihab and al-‘Asfur
                families. Khuri, Tribe and State in Bahrain, pp. 162–3.
              68
                Minutes by W. J. Adams, 18 September 1958, FO 371/132531 PRO.
              69
                N. Fuccaro, ‘Understanding the Urban History of Bahrain’, Journal for Critical Studies of
                the Middle East,17(2000), 48–82 (63–5); I. A. Schumacher, ‘Ritual Devotion among
                Shi’i in Bahrain’, unpublished PhD dissertation, University of London (1987), p. 70.





