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222    Histories of City and State in the Persian Gulf

              British Empire in the Middle East and India, and by the growth of Arab
              nationalism. A more organic and cross-regional approach to urban devel-
              opment also provides a much needed framework for comparison within
              the region and across different historical periods. For instance, Kuwait
              and Trucial Oman (since 1971 the United Arab Emirates) did not occupy
              as prominent a place as Bahrain in the political geography of the British
              Empire. It can be argued that their relatively weak imperial connections
              had a strong impact on the formation of national identities. Neither
              countries nor their capital cities experienced Arab nationalism as part of
              independence movements as was the case in Bahrain and Manama. In the
              United Arab Emirates, for instance, only after independence has a self-
              conscious effort at emphasising the Arab character of the state and of
              urban centres become apparent.
                Notwithstanding these differences, the case of Manama calls for a re-
              evaluation of the assumption that the oil era constituted a rupture with the
              urban past of the region. The distinction between the ‘traditional’ and the
              ‘modern’ Gulf city which has gained considerable currency in recent years
              is clearly rooted in the disproportionate academic attention devoted to the
              Oil City as an ideal type of urban development. Moreover, the recon-
              struction of idealised ‘traditional’ settings in the heart of the hypermodern
              contemporary Gulf capitals – old neighbourhoods, pearl diving villages
              and market areas – has undoubtedly reinforced this trend in the minds of
              both academics and urban planners. At least until independence, modern
              Manama retained the socio-economic life and spatial features of the port
              settlement of the pearl boom, characterised by an intimate relationship
              between the waterfront, the markets and residential neighbourhoods.
              Revenue from the port economy also supported the city’s infrastructural
              development until the 1960s. Evidence from Manama also frees the
              historical experience of Gulf urban societies from the aura of ‘exception-
              alism’ which surrounds them. Petro-urbanism – adefinition first used at
              the height of the oil boom of the early 1980s – is often analysed as a
              revolutionary way of life which entailed the sudden entry of ‘backward’
              indigenous populations into the hectic world dominated by the forces of
              global capitalism. Before independence, and in spite of oil, the residents of
              Manama experienced modernity as a gradual process of change; their
              experience was not that dissimilar to that of other peoples outside
              Europe in the age of colonisation and decolonisation. The modern
              world became manifest in the transformation of the lifestyle of the new
              middle classes and old merchant elites, in the emergence of new notions of
              private and public spaces, in improved communications with the outside
              world and, last but not least, in the growth of a new nationalist awareness
              which reshaped the boundaries of ethnic groups and of communal life.
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