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The making of Gulf port towns before oil             71

              Despite their diversity, the pearling and trading towns of the Arab coast
            shared a similar social organisation and political institutions which were
            tied to both the desert and the sea. The political supremacy of tribes and
            the absence of centralised administrations set them apart from the ports
            under Ottoman and Qajar control, contributing to the instability of local
            government and to the precariousness of urban public security. The
            tension between mercantile communities, immigrants and tribesmen,
            often the only militarised segments of urban society, compounded by
            infighting among ruling families, accentuated their political disunity.
            For much of the nineteenth century, ruling dynasties exercised control
            over residents through their militias and by forging crucial political alli-
            ances with merchants and community leaders. These constraints facili-
            tated the autonomous organisation of large segments of urban society,
            particularly in towns with a more heterogeneous population. Ports such as
            Manama and Dubai, in particular, evolved almost as ‘voluntary’ associa-
            tions with their immigrant populations of non-tribal stock and mobile
            workforce. Immigrants were often able to maintain links to their countries
            of origin and their religious and linguistic specificity. In this respect, rather
            than city-states, these port polities evolved as relatively open ‘city-
            societies’ in the sense suggested by the historical anthropologist Richard
            O’Connor with reference to the city states of pre-modern South East
            Asia. 78
              From this perspective, urban polities emerged out of consensus and a
            balance of power, rather than conflict. As clearly suggested by the mobility
            of merchants across the region, the port towns of the Arab coast consti-
            tuted a sort of commonwealth whose success depended on their ability to
            attract settlers with benefits of residence. Urban rulers faced further
            challenges in the wake of the economic and demographic expansion of
            the late nineteenth century. Towns-in-the-making had increasingly com-
            plex societies and stood in stark contrast with the mobile and relatively
            egalitarian environment which had produced their tribal rulers. While in
            Bedouin life, public order and the position of leaders was based on the
            supremacy of the tribe, in the towns, as noted by Lienhardt for the Trucial
            States, ‘the primacy of the sheikhs is not so much primacy in an ethnic
            group [i.e. the tribe] as primacy in a fixed place: the town itself’. 79  In other
            words, bonds other than tribal solidarities started to provide a source of

            78
              S. Chutintaranond and C. Baker (eds.), Recalling Local Pasts: Autonomous History in
              Southeast Asia (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2002), pp. 171–4; R. A. O’Connor, ‘A
              Regional Explanation of the Tai Müang as a City-State’ in Moregns Herman Hansen
              (ed.), A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures (Copenhagen, Kongelige Danske
              Videnskabernes Selskab, 2000), pp. 431–44, (433–8).
            79
              Lienhardt, Shaikhdoms of Eastern Arabia, p. 210.
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