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68     Histories of City and State in the Persian Gulf












              prompted George Curzon, the future Viceroy of India, to note that: ‘a













              more curious study in polyglot and polychrome could not well be







              conceived’. 68










                At the grassroots the meaning of community was translated into a sec-












              tarian and ethnic division of labour. The Arab Shi‘is or Baharna, who

              formed approximately three-fifths of the town’s population in 1905 and
              the most compact urban group, monopolised urban crafts and traded in
                          69
              local produce.  They also provided manpower for the markets and the
              harbour as labourers, porters and pearl divers. Their ‘natural’ leaders were
              those rural notables who had moved to Manama and capitalised on the
              pearling industry. The Persians were divided both by sect and by deep
              socio-economic cleavages, which reflected their long history of immigration
              from southern Iran. The Shi‘i majority, approximately 1,500 individuals in
              1904, were mostly from the district of Dashti. Like their Arab counterparts
              they were of humble background and of very limited means, and depended
              upon a few families who became rich as import merchants dealing with
              major Iranian ports, particularly Bushehr. By the 1920s the Persian Sunnis
              included a minority of extremely wealthy individuals from the district of
              Bastak with business interests in India, Lingah and Bandar ‘Abbas, and a
              mass of destitute rural immigrants who had arrived via the port of Lingah. 70
                The Arab Sunnis were the most socially and politically compartmental-
              ised of Manama’s residents. Najdis with tribal associations gravitated
              around the Al Khalifah and monopolised pearling as boat captains, middle
              men or al-tawawish, the most prestigious pearl dealers. Those who had no
              tribal connections, particularly from al-‘Unayzah in Najd, followed the
              patterns of other upcoming immigrant communities: they maintained social
              and political distance from the tribal mercantile aristocracy of the town, and
              worked as hammal (porters), mughawis (coffee boys) and petty traders.
              Although al-‘Unayzah was an important centre for the long distance trade
              in camels, horses and sheep, the Najdi community of Manama did not
              engage in the export of animals to India. The trade was monopolised by
              transport agents (al-‘uqaylat) operating from Kuwait and Basrah, ports
              which had strong links with the tribal hinterlands where these animals
              were bred. 71
              68
                Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, p. 468.
              69
                Lorimer, Gazetteer, vol. II, p. 1160.
              70
                ‘Note on the Persian Communities at Bahrein’, 4 November 1929, in Political Agent
                Bahrain to British Resident Bushehr, L/P&S/10/1045 IOR; Lorimer, Gazetteer, vol. II,
                p. 1160; interviews with Tayyebah Hoodi and Hamid al-‘Awadhi, Manama, 21 March
                and 10 April 2004.
              71
                At the beginning of the twentieth century the numerical distribution of Arab Sunnis was as
                follows: 250 individuals from Basra, 850 from Kuwait, Najd and al-Ahsa’, 500 ‘Utub,
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