Page 420 - Arabia the Gulf and the West
P. 420

The (Sting’                                          417


         was becoming increasingly prone, of attributing Western modes of thought to

         Eastern minds. Thus the same editorial went on: ‘One reason for believing that
         the new policy is based on long-term thinking is the fact that many of the
         OPEC countries have no immediate use for the revenues that they will now
         earn.’ Apparently it did not occur to the Financial Times, a newspaper devoted
         to the study of finance and economics, that money is power. Or that the

         Middle-Eastern oil states had a very good use to which to put their surplus
         funds, viz. to manipulate the economies of Western Europe and Japan and
         thereby influence their governments to do their political bidding. In any case,
         how often has the accumulation of substantial, or even vast, wealth inhibited
         individuals, corporations or governments from endeavouring to acquire yet
         greater riches? Certainly the shah, who had been the guiding spirit behind the

         redoubling of oil prices, had need of every dollar he could get to accomplish his
         grand designs. Hence his bizarre suggestion that the price of oil be determined
         by reference to the cost of its extraction from other mineral or natural sources.
         One wonders how he might have reacted to a counter-suggestion that the price
         of Western manufactures, and more particularly the advanced weaponry and

         aircraft he delighted in, should be equated to what they would cost if they were
         to be produced in Persia by the Persians themselves.
            While the price increases of October 1973 had raised the estimated annual
         revenue, at 1972 levels of production, of OPEC’s members to $30,000 million
         (it had been $7,000 million in 1970), those of December 1973 would, it was
         reckoned, net them an annual income of $80,000 million, or over eleven times

         what it had been three years earlier. Still OPEC was not satisfied, and when the
         organization held its first meeting of 1974 at Geneva on 7-9 January the
         delegates’ first item of business - after congratulating themselves on the
         success of their spectacular ‘sting’ - was to see whether oil prices could not be

         raised even higher by the use of the Geneva agreement of June 1973, whereby
         the oil companies had undertaken to adjust posted prices monthly in accor­
         dance with fluctuations in the international value of the US dollar. Jamshid
         Amuzegar made his customary speech about the current strength of the dollar
         actually calling for a reduction in prices, then quickly passed on to the more
         pleasurable duty of declaring that any such reduction was rendered impossible
         by the rising cost of imported goods from the industrial countries. In his

         opinion the December oil-price increase was no more than ‘adequate’, and the
         rest of the delegates gravely agreed with him. They decided that there should
          e no downward adjustment of oil prices to compensate for the current value of
         1 e dollar, and that future price movements would depend upon the measures
         taken by the industrial nations to prevent the cost of their exports from rising.

            e latter condition was pretty cool, seeing that the fourfold increase in oil
         prices since October was bound to have an inflationary effect upon the
         economies of the oil-consuming countries.
            A further decision of the conference was to abandon the principle adopted at
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