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ARAMAEANS AND PHOENICIANS IN SYRIA

        subject has not, so far, been found on Assyrian monuments, but it goes back to the third
        millennium b.c., where its best-known occurrence is on an inlaid harp from Ur (Plate
        31). Its survival in the ninth century b.c. has a bearing on possible sources of certain
        Greek fables.
          It is striking that all these comparisons of the Tell Halaf reliefs have led us not to the
        sculpture, but to the minor arts of Mesopotamia. We have found no sign of acquaintance
        with the great pictorial chronicles which were, as far as we know, invented by the sculp-
        tors  of Assurnasirpal II and continued by those of Shalmaneser III. This confirms what
        we have said in the introduction to this chapter, namely that the Assyrian mural decora­
        tions only influenced north Syrian art directly after Tiglathpilcsar III had built palaces
        in Syria. Until that happened the notion to decorate the orthostats with reliefs was
        adopted, but the subjects of the decoration were either improvised or - in the majority
        of cases - copied from such portable Mesopotamian objects as were available - bronze
        vessels, woven materials, engraved gems, ivory inlays, and so on. The monsters which
        guard the gates are also derived from this source. This is clearly shown in the case of the
        griffins, which, at Tell Halaf and in other north Syrian sites, retain the side-curls which
        they owned in Crete, in Mitanni, and also on Middle Assyrian seals.64 In the reliefs of
        Assurnasirpal, the griffin-demons lack these curls and wear long hair, like the human
        figures.65 This innovation of the Assyrian sculptors remained unknown in Syria. The
        human-headed bull, the commonest Assyrian gate figure, is not found in this role in
        north Syrian buildings, and for the same reason. It was not Assyrian sculpture that could
        serve as models for the craftsmen of Kaparu and Kilamuva. We assume, however, that
        it was known that the decorated orthostats in the Assyrian palaces showed scenes of war;
        for this knowledge would explain the fact that horsemen, spearmen, and other soldiers
        appear here and there among the early reliefs at Tell Halaf and Zin^irli.
          Our illustrations give a fair impression of the execution of the reliefs. In the vast
        majority of cases the figure was outlined, and left standing beyond the surface of the
        stone. Details were added by means of engraving. Even in the most carefully executed
        pieces like plate 159A there is only a minimum of modelling in the faces, while the detail
        on the legs, for instance, is engraved, and is fussy and almost meaningless. In most cases
        details are scanty and the drawing, like the carving, is elementary. But reliefs like that
        of plate 159A do show some sureness of design. Such works, with the sculptures in the
        round, must have been made by men with some training, but they were not really
        familiar with the traditions of any one established school. We know from the head of
        Yarimlim of Alalakh (Plates 137-8) and also from some of the statues found at Mari, how
        properly trained Babylonian sculptors worked abroad. We may assume that the kings
        of Assyria could, in the ninth century, offer employment to all competent sculptors in
        the land, and that only  some  odd individuals who had obtained a mere smattering of the
        craft were available to Kap aru.
          In the methods of composition, too, the influence of the minor arts can be traced. A
        man carving a spoon or a mirror handle or a piece of inlay, has to arrange the whole of
        his subject within the limits of the raw material at hand. Now we observe at Tell Halaf
        that no scene or motif spreads over more than one stone. Since the orthostats are, on the

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