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             sphere, and it would be manifestly difficult to arrive at an engagement that
             no political influence should be exercised by either party on the opposite side of
             the line, since it would be out of the question to remove the British representa­
             tives, either at Tehran, Tabriz or Meshed, while corresponding objection
             would no doubt be felt by the Russian Government. But even an engagement
             limited to railway and commercial exploitation would have considerable
             value. The following difficulties and drawbacks in the case of such an un­
             derstanding were then discussed. The line proposed is not altogether assisted
             by geographical conditions, Seistan being physically and administratively a
             part of the province of Khorasan, and it is doubtful whether Russia would
             forego her designs upon Seistan and a port on the eastern extremity of the
             Persian Gulf. A more serious drawback, however, is the fact that the capital
             of Persia would lie in the Russian sphere, and the pressure exercised by the
             Russian Government would become overwhelming, the Shah would tend more
             and more to become a Russian puppet, and Northern Persia a Russian procon­
             sulate. The. fate of such institutions as the Imperial Bank of Persia and the
             Indo-European Telegraph Department would be more than doubtful, the
             weight and influence of Russia throughout Central Asia would be increased
             and the ultimate result might be the permanent break-up of the Persian king­
             dom. Nor would this policy prevent Russia from approaching the Persian
             Gulf via Baghdad, or other countries from attempting to acquire the position
             in Southern Persia from which Russia had debarred herself. But, while not
             sanguine of success, the Government of Lord Curzon expressed themselves of
             opinion that the experiment was worthy of being made, in the interest both of
             Persia itself, and still more harmony between the two great Powers, upon
            whose relations the peace of Asia depends. Such a contract, even if not of
             perpetual duration, would be of immense value in the respite afforded from the
             strain of an otherwise ceaseless rivalry and in the opportunity presented for a
            peaceful consolidation of existing interests.
                 145.  Should, however, the endeavour to arrive at an understanding, with
             Russia fail, then it would still be possible to fall back upon the alternative policy
            recommended by Sir M. Durand, which was that we should plainly intimate that
            any Russian encroachments in Northern Persia will provoke corresponding
            measures for the protection of British interests in the south.
                146.  The despatch then turned to the increase of the Consular establish­
            ments in Persia and the principle on which the cost should be met by Great
             Britain or India.
                147.  On examination of the cost of the various establishments maintained
            by the British Government in Persia, it was shown that the Imperial Government
            spent ^15,460 and the Government of India ^61,053 per annum, or, if Turkish
            Arabia were included in the calculation, the totals amounted to Great Britain
            £\5,597, India ^71,056, contributions which did not at all fairly represent the
            respective proportions of Imperial and of Indian interests in Persia and its sur­
            roundings. Two principles might with advantage be borne in mind in distri­
            buting such charges between Great Britain and India, either that the entire
            charges might be added together and might be divided in certain proportions
            between the Imperial and Indian Exchequers, or that the spheres in Persia of
            special concern either to Her Majesty’s Government or to the Government of
            India might be determined, and the charges incurred’ for them debited against
            the revenues respectively of the United Kingdom and of India. This was the
            solution which the Government of India would prefer.
                148.  The real line of distinction, the despatch continued, should be that,
            whereas the ' commercial interests of Her Majesty’s Indian subjects, outside of
            India, are in the main the concern of the Imperial Government, yet in cases where
            the political importance of a place or district exceeds the commercial, and where
            that political importance is Indian rather than English in character, the Gov­
            ernment of India may legitimately be called upon to defray sometimes a large
            proportion, sometimes the whole of the cost. The despatch then proceeded to
            apply these principles to a consideration of certain-suggestions of Sir M. Durand
            and certain proposals of the Government of India concerning the increase of
            Consular establishments in Persia. The changes and additions which have in
            consequence been made during Lord Curzon’s Viceroyalty will be separately
            mentioned below.*
              * As regards Consular appointments and escorts see Pinion Coast and Islands Ptlcis, 1854*19051 Sections
            XXX1U—XXXVIII. Bahrein Precis, Chapters LVlI—LXt. Arabistan Pricis, Chapter Vll,
                  C645FD
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