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process of the political traditions of
166 Indonesian Islamic Culture in Historical Perspectives
you leave. Thus, by knowing ourselves, construction of how things should be. The text known under the name Klopak
Southeast Asia is no longer a problem. we know God. From knowing God, we Because of all these imperatives, the Ferrara, following the name of the library
However, the relevance of its influence are able to also understand the nature text highly depends on quotations from where the text is preserved (Ferrara,
in the way of thinking about the of creation; the world is “a ride” towards other texts and almost every quote is Italy), originates from the late 16 century
th
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appropriateness of politics and power death. With this premise, obviously, the accompanied by its source. However, and, as revealed by Drewes, shows the
will become clearer when the text is theory of the state this text wants to although it is “historically void”, the text atmosphere on the north coast, which
compared with other texts that also want convey is the imperative typical moralistic of which we know has existed since was still a mixed community, so that
to paint a historical picture. call for universal harmony. The state, or 1603, clearly evokes the atmosphere this text clearly differentiates between
more precisely the kingdom, should be of its time. Despite being an attempt to Islamic and Hindu behavior. Therefore, it
The Tajus-Salatin begins with a general an environment that allows individuals to establish an ideal state, the Tajus-Salatin is not surprising that one of the political
guideline, “man arrafa nafsahu faqad gain divine knowledge and to unite under also has Sufi characteristics and it uses programs that emanates from one of the
arafa rabbahu” --- “who knows himself, His blessing. This is only possible if all stories or anecdotal illustrations for every oldest texts is actually the expansion
knows his Lord”, along with the warning parties involved in the state processes thought it wants to deliver. It appears of the Islamic community. In other
that life is like a dream, “and in case he ---kings, ministers, chief commanders, that the text is directed to a community words, the text is an invitation to master
awakes from his sleep, he would not dignitaries, and people--- want to abide that was already “intimately familiar” with the social system, through changing
gain anything from his dreams”, because to and behave in accordance with the the kind of thinking it wants to express. behavioral patterns from un-Islamic to
the world is nothing but a “place to halt” moral imperatives of each individual’s Its advice and admonitions immediately Islamic. This is not so with the Tajus
or “home”. Now you enter, tomorrow position. So, the Tajus-Salatin expounds opens up awareness to its audience. The Salatin which was written in a historical
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the aspects of wisdom in life and the ideal conduct these moral imperatives in detail. All words, and not the events, are powerful context when power was already in
(on the matters of kifayat (Muslim collective are illustrated with historical stories only in the context of a cognitive, the hands of Islamic rulers. This text
religious obligations), physiognomy, promises and and legends as well as with Islamic
so on). Chapter 24 consists of general messages intimate community ---in an atmosphere emerged in a situation when disbelief
on the 4 kinds of people in of society the text wants mythologies. of logical validity and accompanying had been abandoned and religious
to reach, first, “the just and believer kings”, second, sensitivity. From this angle too, it homogeneity had already replaced the
“ministers, chief officials and the king’s servants”, At first glance it looks as if the Tajus-
third, “people, the righteous “, and fourth “all Salatin was written in a historical is understandable that the Tajus- did not master the Islamic teachings well or they
people of the book “. vacuum. In a sense it makes no Salatin became increasingly popular slipped in pre-Islamic assumption or deviated from
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54. The Tajus-Salatin asserts that this statement references to the contemporaneous because its presence was helped by the original Arabic and Persian sources. Therefore,
is a prophetic tradition, although it originates these chronicles also offered historical distortions.
from al-Ghazali in his Ihya Ulumuddin. This is situation when it was written. Perhaps various chronicles and other texts that Had the author seen that the essence of chronicles
also mentioned in the Suluk Suksma Lelana by it should just be seen as a theoretical strengthened this cognitive communal is as texts, not as attempts to execute teachings or
Ronggowarsito (Simuh, 1988: 60). This shows atmosphere. history, their valuation would certainly have been
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that Ronggowarsito was familiar enough with the quotes because this would result in too many different. Moreover, in his elucidation he forgot
Tajus-Salatin through a translation in Javanese or footnotes. Summaries of each article was made by 56. On Islamic Malay chonicles see Haraid, 1953. that initially, these chronicles were delivered orally.
directly from the Malay text. The above quote is Winstedt, 1969: 302-311 (Appendix). However, he always examined these chronicles If they were written (then) copies of these texts
from article 1 of the Tajus-Salatin. The versions I 55. The Tajus-Salatin delivers its theories on from the perspective of the teachings of (the underwent a variety of changes. On the oral nature
used are Yusuf, 1979 and Khalid, 1966. However, statecraft with historical and empirical events, see Qur’an and Hadith) as well as from a historcal point of these chronicles, see Sweeney.
I have not provided all the page numbers of the Abdullah (1993). of view. Thus the idea came up that their authors 57. Drewes, 1979: 76.
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