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The UK Defence Industry in the 21  Century
                                                                        st
                                            The Five Forces of Americanisation

                Given the scale and diversity of all of our changed circumstances and encouraged by colleagues and
                peers, it seemed appropriate to revisit what we found 20 years ago. Having started the research for
                this paper in August, 2024, its preparation has been checked many times by the need to absorb and
                consider the latest news. Having been exposed to similar disruption, the UK government had to delay
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                publication of its Strategic Defence Review (“SDR”), finally issuing its findings on 2  June, 2025.
               This paper is primarily aimed at those who shape the industry: politicians; defence company leaders;
               senior  civil  servants;  academics; military  leaders;  politicians;  think  tankers;  financial  and  business
               journalists; employee representatives; senior bankers and institutional investors. It is hoped that the
               secondary  and  primary  research  on  which  its  findings  are  based,  together  with  the  analytical
               techniques used to interpret and present the information, are also of value to defence management,
               economics, finance and business students.

                It is complementary to the SDR since it addresses industry’s specific role, not only in enabling the
                integrated national Defence system that the SDR  calls One Defence, but also in establishing the links
                between national defence and security, international diplomacy and trade. This role should flourish
                within One HMG: a construct also being developed by the UK government within a new Defence
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                Diplomacy  Strategy  to  be  published  by  the  Foreign,  Commonwealth  and  Development  Office .
                However, defining industry’s role requires recognition of two fundamental characteristics of defence
                as an industry:
                  i.   the central and often crucial role that the sovereign (ie: British-owned) defence industry,
                       working in concert with the country’s major institutions (from the Monarchy, Parliament and
                       most of its government departments to its Armed Forces, educational, religious, professional
                       and, increasingly, its financial institutions) can play not only in national defence  but also in
                       international trade and diplomacy, in wealth creation and in the nation’s general prosperity,
                       and
                  ii.   the  principles,  mechanisms  and  behaviours  of  global  financial  markets  have  increasingly
                       shaped the defence industry, not only determining its location, scale and scope but also its
                       ownership,  regulation  and  control.  The  UK  government  will  need  to  provide  leadership,
                       direction  and  oversight  across  its  departments  to  ensure  that  the  influence  of  financial
                       markets is consistent with the aims of One HMG.
               One point should immediately become clear. The ownership of a nation’s defence industrial capacity
               is crucial. It determines the extent of industry’s ability to support the national interest unilaterally:
               without foreign support. In addition, it provides jobs, technology and economic growth. It generates
               profits to fund the development of additional or enhanced capabilities and provides support to the
               UK’s international development, trade and diplomatic initiatives.
               The SDR does not address this point. Indeed, in defining the UK’s “Nationwide Defence Industry”, the
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               SDR  incudes capabilities owned by American, French and Italian companies, two of which are partly
               owned  by  the  French  and  Italian  governments.  The  use  and  development  of  these  particular
               capabilities, and the use of the profits secured from funding provided by the UK taxpayer, will be
               decided  in the  USA,  France  and  Italy.  Not  in  the  UK.  The  discussions  with  overseas  governments
               regarding  exports  of  these  capabilities  will  be  held  by  American,  French  and  Italian  business
               executives, not British. The intelligence gained from these discussions will, again, exclude the British.
               As shown in this paper, this “intel” can be a critical factor in guiding government foreign policy.

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               Similarly, in defining “Defence’s Overseas Footprint”, the SDR  does not include the nation’s defence
               industrial, customer support and logistics footprint developed by its indigenous contractors overseas,
               from Scandinavia to the Middle East, and from the USA to South-East Asia. In common with most
               businesses, running a defence company requires a detailed understanding of the customer. But in
               defence, this means the customer nation’s leadership team: its entire cabinet or ruling body. From
               foreign policy and defence to public health, education and transport, all will have a say in what is spent
               on major defence programmes. The customer’s regional or state senators and constituency leaders,
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               07/07/2025                                                                                                                                   Richard Hooke 2025
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