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seen, for instance, on the pavilion terraces, though not inside the   30  Thorp 1988, 115. See also Allom 1859, 163; Loch 1843, 205
            main halls, in the remains of the Da Ming gong 大明宮, the former   (Appendix).
            Tang imperial palace in today’s Xian.           31  Huang 1974, 280–5.
          21  Clunas and Harrison-Hall 2014, 111. See also Eng 2014, 200.  32  Thorp 1988, 115. See also Watt and Leidy 2005, 20.
          22  Chang Foundation 1998, 122, 294–5, pls F18–21. See also Eng 2014,   33  Tsai, Shih-shan Henry 2001, 203. See also Dreyer 2007, 137, 140;
            201 regarding specimens excavated recently in Nanjing.   DMB, 197.
          23  Floor tiles, with undercut edges to leave a triangular void for   34  For Zheng He’s role as ‘defender’ of Nanjing and Xuande’s detailed
            mortar to assist levelling, were well developed in China before the   instructions up to and including project completion, see Dreyer
            Tang dynasty. See HDACA 1986, 187.                 2007, 140–2.
          24  For relevant illustrations, please refer to Eng 2014, 71, 185–6. See   35  Eng 2014, 239–51.
            also Eng 2008, 278, 344.                        36  Names of ‘builder-administrators’ for palace projects in Nanjing
          25  I am most grateful to Dr Eileen Hsu Hsiang-Ling for her valuable   and Beijing are sometimes recorded but not it seems those active
            advice on the epigraphy of the stele inscriptions.  during this period. These officials were in any case unlikely to have
          26  The inscriptions are transcribed in Zhang Huiyi 1938, juan 5, 24–6.   made the detailed designs for the projects.
            In addition, a recent commentary by Chen Pingping 2011,   37  The Xiudingsi 修定寺 at Anyang in Henan province is a fine (and
            indicates additional material from a history of the temple compiled   also unique in China) example of ceramic architectural
            by its monks in 1807 and entitled Zhe yi fancha zhi 折疑梵剎志   construction using tenons and keys, in this case to fasten the
            (Records Clarifying Questions of a Buddhist Monastery) (primary source   elaborate external earthenware brick ornamentation to an inner
            not yet sighted).                                  wall. It originated in the 6th century, was destroyed and rebuilt in
          27  Tsai, Shih-shan Henry 2001, 22, 89, 141.         the late 7th century. It was extensively restored in the Ming Jiajing
          28  Wang Cheng-Hua 1998, 19–21 suggests that the filial assertions of   period (1522–66) but was pillaged for its fine ornamental brickwork
            the 1424 stele may have been inspired by Yongle’s decision to move   in the 1920–30s, and most recently restored (with replacement
            the capital to Beijing, leaving behind in Nanjing the tombs of his   ornamental bricks) in the 1970s. Samples of its decorative bricks
            parents. Watt and Leidy (2005, 18) suggests that it honours ‘his   have been dated through thermoluminescence to the Tang
            parents’ but commemorated his supposed real mother (the   dynasty. The British Museum (amongst others) displays one of
            Imperial concubine). Allom (1859, 163) quotes local histories   these bricks. See Portal 1990; Swart and Till 1990, 64–76; Cao
            (preserved by the monks at the temple) which record that the   2005; Steinhardt 2014, 211–13.
            pagoda was dedicated to ‘the Empress’ which, from Allom’s   38  Hsu, Eileen Hsiang-ling (forthcoming). See also Hsu 2012.
            context, suggests that this was Yongle’s consort, the Empress Xu.   39  In Buddhist teaching the cha post is said to symbolise the rotational
            This interpretation is supported independently in DMB, 363 which   axis of the universe and is a vestigial component of early Indian
            suggests that in 1413, as an act of filial piety, Yongle’s three sons,   stupas which were precursors of Chinese and East Asian pagodas.
            Gaochi 高熾 (the future Hongxi emperor), Gaoxu 高煦 and Gaosui   Some researchers now believe it may have served a practical
            高燧 jointly commemorated the pagoda in honour of their mother,   purpose also in acting as a counter-pendulum in earthquakes. See
            who died in 1407.                                  Eng 2014, 97–8, 229–30; Ueda 1995; HDACA 1986, 211; Hu Shiping
          29  Dreyer 2007, 142. The employment of soldiers and artisanal   1991.
            workers together on such a project is mentioned in announcements   40  See Thorp 1988, 115 and also HDACA 1986, 194–213.
            and imperial orders from 1413 included in an appendix to Zhang
            Huiyi 1938, 125.















































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