Page 75 - EVOLUTION OF THE SUDAN PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT(SPLM),

viewed as discriminating against ethnic minorities. Ethnicity and ethnic manipulation has
been a polarizing question within the movement since 1983. Lack of local administration due
to non-prioritization saw the government probing towards corruption, violence and abuse of

power(SAD.533/1/35-37). It is however the dominance of the military that failed to develop
civilian governance and accountability structures. The movement assumed a biased towards
achieving political change by military means and not political persuasion. Finally, there is
existence of alternative security and political options. Other armed groups, militias, traditional

leadership, cattle defense units and community self-defense units has exposed society to security
independence and non-adherence to the sanctity of the monopoly of the state violence in defense
of public good. As such the society is highly independent of the state.

In support of this narrative, one respondent stated that;

“Tribalism was evident within the ranks of SPLM.The Dinka were more favoured in the
movement and in getting government positions.SPLA was the then powerful force in south

Sudan,however,when one felt not satisfied, they could defect to find solace in other smaller forces
other political options available, where they felt accommodated and accepted.”(OI, Christopher
B. Lemi, Juba, 21/03/2016).

The capability of the state to provide security and legitimately apply use of force is compromised
by inter communal violence, local militias and rebel movements that occasionally mushroom

and operate like social movements or pressure groups. There has always been a tension due
to scarcity, pastoralism and higher youth unemployment. The post-colonial states failure to
deliver on the independence expectations is a failure foretold. Amilcar Cabral in expounding
his theory of national liberation argued that greed, laziness, backwardness and struggling against
human weaknesses as some of the challenges liberation movements had to overcome. Among the

challenges was corruption and failure to commit class suicide at the critical juncture. For example,
rampant corruption and official graft is an indication of moral bankruptcy and an indictment on
the political leadership. It is also a confirmation that the SPLM armed struggle against Khartoum

regime was not for the service of the people.
President Silva Kiir, in May 2012, send letters to 75 senior government officials suspected of

defrauding the government with billions of dollars in revenue. US $4 billion in 2012 in oil and
general revenues could not be accounted for, a third of all oil revenue earned in 2005-2012. The
Juba airport scandal, SPLM, looting, cattle theft, crop destruction, murder, rape and torture of
civilians by the SPLM security agencies suggests the struggle against Khartoum regime was

betrayed by the SPLM government. As a liberation movement, the SPLM had the answer to
the atrocities it was committing against its own people and therefore the idea of liberation was
doubtful.

We have noted that there was political discord within the SPLM at the transitional period and
challenges from other armed groups excluded from the negotiations process. The economy was

in bad shape against all relevant indicators. South Sudan was the world’s poorest country even
though with very high GDP per capita in 2011. The CPA as we have noted allowed the SPLM to
establish regional governments, implement economic development plans, establish and maintain
security agencies to kick start the process of state building. The focus as during the interim
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