Page 164 - Malcolm Gladwell - Talking to Strangers
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Chapter Six: The Friends Fallacy


                    Dialogue is from Friends, “The One with the Girl Who Hits Joey” (episode 15, season 5), directed
                    by Kevin Bright, NBC, 1998.
                    It was developed by legendary psychologist (in footnote): Paul Ekman and Wallace V. Friesen,
                    Facial Action Coding System, parts 1 and 2 (San Francisco: Human Interaction Laboratory, Dept. of
                    Psychiatry, University of California, 1978).
                    In my second book, Blink (Little, Brown and Company, 2005), I devoted a large chunk of Chapter
                    Six, “Seven Seconds in the Bronx: The Delicate Art of Mind Reading,” to a discussion of the work
                    of Paul Ekman, one of the most important psychologists of the last century. He is the coinventor of
                    FACS, which I asked Jennifer Fugate to use to analyze that episode of Friends. FACS has become
                    the gold standard for understanding and cataloging how human emotion is displayed on the face.
                    Ekman’s  principal  scientific  contribution  was  to  demonstrate  the  idea  of  “leakage”—that  the
                    emotions we feel are often, involuntarily, displayed on our faces in some distinctive configuration of
                    facial muscles. And if you are trained in the “language” of the face and have the opportunity to
                    break down videotape of someone’s expressions millisecond by millisecond, you can identify those
                    configurations.
                    Here is what I wrote on p. 210 of Blink: “Whenever we experience a basic emotion, that emotion is
                    automatically expressed by the muscles of the face. That response may linger on the face for just a
                    fraction  of  a  second  or  be  detectable  only  if  electrical  sensors  are  attached  to  the  face.  But  it’s
                    always there.”
                    Ekman was making two bold claims. First, that emotion is necessarily expressed on the face—that if
                    you feel it, you’ll show it. And second, that these kinds of emotional expressions are universal—that
                    everyone, everywhere, uses their face to display their feelings in the same way.
                    These propositions had always left some psychologists uneasy. But since Blink was written, there
                    has been growing reaction in the psychology community against Ekman’s position.
                    For  example,  why  did  Ekman  believe  that  emotions  were  universal?  In  the  1960s,  he  and  two
                    colleagues traveled to Papua New Guinea, armed with a stack of thirty photographs. The pictures
                    were headshots of Westerners making facial expressions corresponding to the basic emotions: anger,
                    sadness, contempt, disgust, surprise, happiness, and fear.
                    The New Guinea tribe that Ekman’s group visited was called the Fore. As recently as a dozen years
                    earlier, they had still been effectively living in the Stone Age, completely cut off from the rest of the
                    world. Ekman’s idea was that if the Fore could identify anger or surprise in the photographed faces
                    as readily as someone in New York City or London can, emotions must be universal. Sure enough,
                    they could.

                    “Our  findings support Darwin’s  suggestion that facial expressions  of  emotion are similar among
                    humans,  regardless  of  culture,  because  of  their  evolutionary  origin,”  Ekman  and  his  colleagues
                    wrote in a paper published in Science, one of the most prestigious academic journals. (See P. Ekman
                    et al., “Pan-Cultural Elements in Facial Display of Emotions,” Science 164 [1969]: 86–88.)
                    This  idea—that  there  is  a  universal  set  of  human  emotional  reactions—is  the  principle  that  lies
                    behind  an  entire  category  of  tools  that  we  use  to  understand  strangers.  It’s  why  we  have  lie
                    detectors.  It’s  why  lovestruck  couples  stare  deeply  into  each  other’s  eyes.  It’s  why  Neville
                    Chamberlain made his daring visit to see Hitler in Germany. And it’s why Solomon looked hard at
                    the defendant in the child-abuse case.
                    But there’s the problem. Ekman was leaning awfully hard on what he saw with the Fore. Yet the
                    emotion-recognition exercise he did with them wasn’t nearly as conclusive as he said it was.
                    Ekman  went  to  New  Guinea  with  another  psychologist,  Wallace  Friesen,  and  an  anthropologist,
                    Richard Sorenson. Neither Ekman nor Friesen spoke the language of the Fore. Sorenson knew only
                    enough  to  understand  or  say  the  simplest  things.  (See  James  Russell,  “Is  There  Universal
                    Recognition  of  Emotion  from  Facial  Expression?  A  Review  of  the  Cross  Cultural  Studies,”
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