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‘Disorder’, political sociability and the urban public sphere  165
















            were much less sophisticated than those of the Iranian ta‘ziyah. Several
            episodes which rehearsed the vicissitudes of the Ahl al-Bayt, the family of




















            Imam Husayn, were enacted during the procession, particularly the beat-





















            ing and desecration of the coffin of the Imam which provoked universal










            sobbing and excitement. 37




              ‘Ashura’ in Manama mirrored the cultural and political divisions


















            between Arabs and Persians. The two communities differed in the








            nomenclature of performances, their style of chest beating and in the














            marasim al-‘aza’, the protocol of mourning. As hiring preachers for











            the qira’ al-husayniyyah, the readings  of the stories of Imam Husayn,





















            was an integral part of the seasonal recruitment of labour overseas, the















            Baharna drew extensively on the Iraqi ta‘ziyah tradition while the Persians








            relied on those of Dashtistan and Fars. Different world views were also at


















            play in the versions of the stories of Karbala recounted in the majalis al-

























            ta‘ziyah, the memorial services. While the Baharna emphasised their






            condition of oppression, mourning brought the hope of redemption and


















            rewards in the hereafter to Persian devotees. 38    Episodes of violence












            between Arabs and Persians during Muharram often evolved around












            contestation over the right of ma’tam affiliates to appropriate the sacred












            space of Imam Husayn during the processions, symbolised by the route













            followed by the mourners.





              This occurred increasingly frequently after 1925 when the parades
            (mawakib al-‘aza’, sing. mawkib) became carefully choreographed events
            organised by a procession committee which included the heads of
            Manama’s houses of mourning. As a strict timetable regulated the flow















            of mourners who reached the procession route from their ma’tams, each


            parade, whose boundaries were clearly demarcated by a standard, flags
            and banners, had to complete a round of performances along the route to
            pay homage to Imam Husayn. During Muharram 1942, for instance, the
            accidental rerouting of the procession of Ma’tam Bin Rajab (the largest
            Arab house of mourning of Manama) by a police inspector triggered a
            reaction by the followers of the Persian ma’tam. As Baharna mourners
            forced their way into the alleys where the Persians were marching, the
            police fired shots in the air in an attempt to separate the two parties. Out of
            a sense of outrage at the violation of the order and hierarchy of the
            37
              Freitag, Collective Action and Community, pp. 256–8; J. R. Cole, Roots of North India
              Shi‘ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and State in Awadh, 1722–1859 (Berkeley: University of
              California Press, 1988), pp. 92–119; Y. Nakash, The Shi‘is of Iraq (Princeton University
              Press, 1994), pp. 141–54; K. S. Aghaie, The Martyrs of Karbala: Shi‘i Symbols and Rituals
              in Modern Iran (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004), pp. 15–29.
            38
              Interviews with ‘Ali Akbar Bushehri and ‘Abdallah Sayf, Manama, 3 and 15 September
              2004.
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