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Tribal Rebellion, Marxist Revolution                                  149


           western Dhufar, Salim Mustahail Ahmad Sarhan. Both were from the Bait
           Qatan. A third deserter was Said Salim Huf, the PFLO commander in the

           eastern region.
              For all practical purposes the war appeared to be over. A cease-fire agree­

           ment was concluded between Oman and South Yemen on 11 March 1976
           through the mediation of Saudi Arabia, which was then on the verge of
           establishing diplomatic relations with the PDRY. The withdrawal of the
           Persian military contingent was announced in January 1977, although a year
           later there were said to be 1,000 Persian troops still on Omani soil, and Persian
           fighter aircraft were still helping to patrol Omani airspace. Sporadic clashes
           took place throughout 1976 with the hard core of guerrillas still holding out in
           thejabal, and to a lesser extent during 1977. A former leading member of the

           PFLO politburo, Salim Musallim al-Awar of the Bait Said section of the Qara,
           who deserted in October 1977 and made his way from one of the Front’s camps
           in South Yemen to Salalah, estimated that there were then about thirty
           guerrillas still active in Dhufar and another 200 being trained, mainly by
           Cubans, in South Yemen.
              A good deal of the success of the counter-insurgency campaign in Dhufar
           was due to the imaginative pacification programme instituted by the sultan’s
           government after 1970. As areas were cleared of guerrillas, government teams

           set up camp at strategic sites, mostly at watering places which the jabalis used
           for their cattle. If adequate water was not available at the sites chosen, wells
           were sunk to produce it, much to the joy of the jab all s whose economy was
           based upon cattle, water and pasturage. They were further delighted by the
           subsequent provision of a medical clinic, school and general store at each
           location. Security was entrusted to the firqat (singular firqafi bodies of tribal
           irregulars numbering anything from 50 to 150 men each. As time went by, the

           firqat came to be composed largely of defectors from the guerrilla forces, who
           had come in under successive amnesties and received a cash bonus for doing so.
           They were armed and paid by the government, and trained by British instruc­
           tors from the SAS Regiment. As the numbers of deserters grew, more firqat
           were raised, until by the autumn of 1977 their total numbers were reported to
           be over 3,000.
              While the firqat have no doubt been effective as a gendarmerie they are also
           a potential source of trouble for the government. The fact that their loyalty

           has been bought is of little account: the tribesman’s obedience has always
           been secured, if it has been secured at all, by bribery or intimidation or the
           adroit use of both. What is of more significance is the persistence of tribalism
            throughout the^a system. For all PFLOAG’s endless rhetoric about ‘a
           peoples revolution’, the fact is that tribal animosities played a major part
           in generating the insurgency and in keeping it going thereafter. One factor

            PDRvfaClhtated the setting up of base camps and supply depots by the
                RY government in Mahra territory was the resentment harboured by the
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