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Bayasirah and BayadTr                                          83

                                     NOTES
          1.  A. M. Abou-Zcid, in an unpublished paper entitled ‘Social Change in
       Kuwait’ at the joint Oxford School of Oriental and African Studies Conference
       on the Arabian Peninsula (1969), divided the people of Kuwait into four main
       classes, the highest of which arc the assayla (i.e. those having asl). ‘The bayasra
       (lit. tasteless, headless) form the second important category. They also  came
       from a pure Arab origin and arc Sunni Moslems as well, but their original tribes
       did not lead a pure nomadic life and had no reputation in wars and raids. They
       were rather sedentary and more interested in trade and commerce than in
       momadism and pastoralism. Most of the bayasra came from Iraq, and although
       some of them have inhabited Kuwait as early as the assayla and have contributed
       largely to the advancement of the country, especially in the field of education, they
       do not have the same social status or prestige.’ The other two classes lie delimits arc
       the Hassawiy (ShfT Muslims from al-Hasa) and A 'ajim (ShiT Iranians).
         2.  Even poultry that had no pedigree were known as baysarl (cf. al-Jahiz
       quoted by Serjeant 1968, 487, fn. 7). Etymologically tne word might derive from
       the Persian bf (without) and sar (head), i.e. headless, tribeless. Miller,
       Persian-Russian Dictionary, Moscow 1963, actually gives bi-sar with this
       meaning. In Urdu besar, bisar means gleanings left in the field and bi sar-o-pa
       destitute.
          3.  ‘Adhaq, pi. ‘udhuq (var. ‘adhaq, pi. ‘udhuq in Buraymi) (q equals j) is the
       word used in the Zahirah for a bunch of dates. In Oman 'isqah is used (c.f. also
       Reinhardt, 112), but in Buraymi an informant stated that ‘asaq were the small
       stalks on which the individual dates hung while the main stalk was termed
       shammkh. In ‘Ibn the term Kdd was used when referring to the number of
       bunches borne by a palm cf. Reinhardt, 124, ‘otf, ‘idyan, Ast Stengel). It is of no
       small interest to note that as early as Khalil al-Farahfdfs Kitab al-‘Ayn the use
       of *isq by the Azd is noted as a dialect characteristic, apparently deriving from
       the correct form *idhq — for details see C. Rabin, Ancient West-Arabian, London
       1951,54.
         4.  Reinhardt (135) confirms that the bidar receives a set payment in kind:
       bydar bejadyr: Landmann, dcr auf fremden Gut eingesetzt, einen bestimmten
       Theil dcs Ertrages erhallt’.
          5.  Halal (vowelling?) appears to be a purely Omani word for weeding (cf.
       Salimr,/tfH>/N7/\ 411, fn. 2).
          6.  Haris. This term was heard only in ‘IbrF but is attested both by Jayakar
       and Reinhardt (6) who shows the root deriving from haras. However, it is the
       writer's belief that it derives from the root HRTH and strength is given to this by
       R. B. Serjeant, ‘Some Irrigation Systems in Hadramawt\Z?..$,.6M..S'., 1964, XXVII,
       62, who remarks that in one type of contract in that area that ‘the tnawwal or
       capitalist in a share-cropping contract who owns the palms would give the
       harrath who looks after the palms, one sprig (klnl) of dates from each palm as
       his share of the contract.’ This indicates that the usage of the root has nothing to
       do with ploughing: in Oman his is the standard word for a plough (cf. Salimf,
       Jawhar, 412, fn. 2). The reader will also note the similarity of the Hadramawt
       system of the payment of a khTl to that of the Omani ‘adhq to the bidar.
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