Page 193 - Gobierno ivisible
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Date: 4/5/2011                                                                                Page: 193 of 237



            to $500,000,000. But in May and July of 1963 the satellite succeeded in detecting missiles launched from Florida
            and California.)

            Another satellite launched with much public fanfare in 1960 was TIROS. Its cameras were to televise cloud cover
            and storm conditions in order to promote better weather prediction. Such surveillance obviously could be of great
            value in timing SAMOS launches for moments of minimum cloud cover over the Soviet Union.* But in Senate
            testimony in July, 1961, James E. Webb, NASA's director, denied Soviet charges that the weather satellites were
            for purposes of espionage. He asserted that it was perfectly lawful for satellites to be flown over foreign territory
            just as ships freely sail the high seas. National sovereignty extends only to air space, Webb contended, and ''as to
            outer space where there is no air, this is a completely open field."


            The head of NASA was betraying the fears of the administration that U.S. satellites operating over Russia would
            be shot down by Soviet propaganda. When President Kennedy took office, he was faced with three alternatives:
            (1) to continue the semi-public practices of the Eisenhower Administration; (2) to shut off all official discussion
            and disclosures about the espionage satellites; or (3) to make the program "overt" by proposing a new "open
            skies" plan and submitting all satellite photographs to the United Nations.

            The last recommendation was privately proposed by a group of prominent scientists at the outset of the Kennedy
            Administration. They argued that there was a presumption of guilt in surreptitious activities and that the
            Soviet Union could play upon this as justification for shooting down a SAMOS or securing a UN resolution
            condemning the practice. On the other hand, they contended, if the operation were placed under the UN, the
            Soviets would be hard-pressed to destroy SAMOS either with rockets or words.

            The Kennedy Administration quickly decided that secrecy was a safer course. When SAMOS II was successfully
            launched on January 31, 1961 -- eleven days after Kennedy took office -- the Pentagon prohibited the release of
            any details about it. This prohibition soon developed into an absolute ban on any discussion of the satellite, even
            in areas of prior official revelation. It was thereafter impossible to obtain official confirmation that in fact
            SAMOS existed. Future announcements were restricted to such words as: "A satellite employing an Atlas-Agena
            B booster combination was launched by the Air Force today. It is carrying a number of classified test
            components."

            Since security, if any, had long since been breached by the original SAMOS disclosures, it was clear that the
            administration had international political purposes in mind in its new crackdown. The likeliest explanation was
            that it hoped to avoid provoking the Russians into countermeasures against SAMOS. Khrushchev had known for
            years that the U-2 was flying over Russia, but he said nothing until his hand was forced by the Powers incident.
            Might he not be inclined to maintain a similar silence on SAMOS, particularly since his own satellites were the
            first to fly over the United States and other nations?

            The answer was quick in coming. SAMOS II was hardly off the pad before the Russians protested. Their
            complaint, which was formally carried to the United Nations in March, 1962, was summed up on December 3 of
            that year by Platon D. Morozov, the Soviet delegate to the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space.


            "Such observation," he said, "is just as wrong as when intelligence data are obtained by other means such as by
            photography made from the air. The object at which such illegal surveillance is directed constitutes a secret
            guarded by a sovereign state and, regardless of the means by which such an operation is carried out, it is in all
            cases an intrusion."


            The standard reply of the United States was that a nation's sovereignty extends only to the air space above it.
            Officials noted that in the first three years of the space age neither the United States nor the Soviet Union had
            claimed its territorial sovereignty was infringed by satellite overflights. In the absence of protest or international
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