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Plate 27.6 Pendant in the form of a pelican, c. 1440–60, Franco-
            Burgundian. Gold set with ruby, height 2.95cm, width 3.58cm.
            British Museum, London, Franks Bequest AF 2767

               Highland and lowland, steppe and plain, were turned into
               pleasure parks like the gardens of paradise,
               Forage herbs became tulips, stones became rubies and pearls,
               grass became elixir, and the ground became gold. 34

               The Castilian ambassador Ruy González de Clavijo (d.
            1412), in Samarqand in 1403, is our source for the
            observation that Timur ‘wore on his head a tall white hat on
                                                  35
            the crown of which was displayed a balas ruby’.  For the
            Mughal rulers of India in later centuries, rubies were a key
            sign of their Timurid ancestry, and they explicitly sought out
                                                        36
            inscribed gems, several of which survive today, in Iran.    Plate 27.7 Antonio Pollaiuolo (1433–98) and Piero Pollaiuolo
                                                               (1443–96), Portrait of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, c. 1471. Tempera and
            The flash of red attracted the eye in other parts of the world   oil on cypress panel, height 65cm, width 42cm. Galleria degli Uffizi,
            too at just this time. In South India the Tamil text   Florence
            Līlātilakam, written at Travancore between 1375 and 1400,
            innovatively uses the simile of rubies and coral in place of   then to the ‘last gasp of the pax Mongolica’  in an early
                                                                                                40
            the more usual ‘pearls and coral’ (maṇi-pravāḷam) to describe   15th-century era of peace in Central Asia? Gold was
            the interlacing of Sanskrit and vernacular vocabularies in   certainly a colour sacred to the Mongols, with a
            elegant prose.                                     cosmological as well as a material significance;  to what
                       37
                                                                                                    41
               In Europe during the same era, as well as the possible   extent did its use in combination with red stones become a
            case of the ‘Black Prince’s Ruby’ (if not definitively   broadly understood visual language of grandeur and status
            medieval), noted above, rubies (which may also in fact be   in a range of post-Mongol polities? And do red gems perhaps
            spinels) glitter prominently in the earliest surviving crown   have a specifically Ming cosmological significance, in terms
            of an English queen, the so-called ‘Bohemian’ or ‘Palatine’   of the ‘five phases’ cosmology of which colour symbolism
            crown, attested as part of the English crown jewels in   was just one aspect? At first sight, this is perhaps an
            1399.  They appear in a gold-and-ruby Burgundian badge   attractive line of argument. It is still quite common in the
                38
            showing the pelican in her piety (Pl. 27.6), as well as on   literature to see a claim to the effect that red was ‘the
            the breast of the Duke of Milan, Galeazzo Maria Sforza   symbolic colour of the Ming dynasty’ and hence red gems ‘a
            (1444–76), whose favourite red gems all had their own   metaphor of royalty’.  But the contemporary evidence for
                                                                                42
            nicknames (Pl. 27.7).                              this is in fact sparse. The idea that dynastic succession, the
                              39
               It is perhaps not leaning too heavily on the evidence to   overthrow of one house by another, was governed by the
            postulate the sense of a gold-and-gems aesthetic   order of the ‘Five Phases’ (or ‘Five Virtues’, wu xing 五行),
            combination (with rubies, the rarest of the four major gem   such as water, fire, etc., and hence that each dynasty had ‘its’
            types, particularly prominent) to set beside golden textiles as   colour, certainly carried considerable credence in early
            one element of a pan-Eurasian high elite material culture (to   Chinese political thought. But by the Northern Song period
            set alongside, for example, the taste for fine horses, hunting   (960–1127) this had been comprehensively dismissed by
            hounds and trained raptors). Is such a gold-and-rubies   intellectuals such as Ouyang Xiu 歐陽脩 (1007–72), and the
            aesthetic in the Chinese context (and this must of necessity   theory’s role in explicit dynastic legitimation seems to have
            be highly speculative) an inheritance of a specifically   rapidly diminished; it does not appear as an argument in
            Mongol glamour or, to put it more conservatively, one which   any of the official Ming sources authored by the Confucian
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            at least owes its dissemination to the Mongol hegemony, and   elite.  There is however some evidence that fire (and hence


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