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art] and that people who come to watch this preliminary exhibition would develop a mass
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art (dazhong yishu).” Guomindang Administrative Councilor (xingzheng yuan) and
guohua art critic Teng Guᆚոencouraged “Chinese citizens [to] go and take a look in
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order to advance their knowledge of [Chinese] history and art.” In his written report
from London in the Dagongbao, Executive Yuan official Zheng Tianxiቍ˂፼ stated that
a chief aim of the Nationalist government was to “publicize (xuan yang) Chinese national
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art and culture.” Clearly, the exhibition’s epistemological framework reflected what
Timothy Mitchell has observed in modern exhibitions in general, whereby objects
embody a deeper meaning. In this case, during an era of active state-led nation-building,
these objects were symbols of “China.”
Despite the shared nationalist framework that structured the understanding of the
exhibition as consisting of national art objects, differences between the British and
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Chinese conceptions of Chinese art existed. As the Royal Academy’s commemorative
catalogue demonstrates, English scholars organized the art objects temporally (Figure 5).
The galleries of display in London’s Burlington House were categorized first and
foremost by dynastic order, with a gallery labeled Shang-Yin-Zhou, followed by a gallery
called Wei-Tang dynasties, three galleries identified as Song, a room called Song-Yuan
dynasty and another gallery with the heading Early Ming dynasty. Positioning the
exhibition displays according to a temporal framework lent themselves easily to
understanding Chinese culture as progressing along a linear timeline of development, a
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hallmark of constructed national identities. By contrast, at the Shanghai preliminary
showing, as at the Nanjing show, Chinese display strategies organized art works by