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98 Chapter 5
Table 1. Indices of electoral fraud, Indonesian elections, June 10, 1999.
Votes counted: 16%.
Province Golkar Golkar PDIP (% PDIP Votes Number Registered
(% of votes of votes votes reported of seats voters/
votes for for top 5 (%) seat
top 5 parties)
parties)
Inner Islands
Bali 8 9,192 88 100,081 18 9 226,685
Jakarta* 12 93,463 41 322,333 18 18 281,792
C. Java 16 201,853 47 603,555 12 60 312,010
E. Java 14 372,548 40 1,050,108 20 68 320,759
W. Java 7 11,321 9 14,970 25 82 308,945
Yogyakarta 17 85,000 40 204,830 32 6 321,567
Outer Islands
Aceh 15 7,816 8 4,186 6 12 123,858
E. Kalimantan 31 63,184 39 80,006 25 7 190,763
Lampung 24 51,905 52 114,462 12 15 245,087
E. Nusa Tenggara 52 53,328 41 42,050 6 13 153,984
N. Sulawesi 50 59,268 32 37,648 11 7 248,346
S. Sulawesi 19 13,883 19 13,747 6 24 176,234
S. E. Sulawesi 69 61,337 17 14,920 11 5 180,166
E. Timor 34 15,032 53 23,291 12 4 105,024
* Includes overseas ballots.
Source: Joint Operations Media Center, Aryaduta Hotel, Jakarta, June 10, 1999.
On June 14, with 58 percent of votes counted nationwide, the pattern of slower
returns from pro-Golkar regions became apparent (see table 2 and maps ). In Bali and
the whole of Java (East, West, and Central), over two-thirds of votes were already tal-
lied, and PDIP’s lead had reached 50 percent. Yet in the eight provinces where Golkar
had a double-digit lead, only two-fifths of returns had come in. There was a clear cor-
respondence between provinces with heavily weighted seats, a wide Golkar majority,
and a slow rate of return—a situation indicative of manipulation through an electoral
machine.
This discrepancy in return rates was the first indication that the Golkar machine
might be holding back votes from provinces where the party was strong and there
were more seats per registered voter—the formula Golkar had fought for earlier. The
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second, little-noticed trend aiding Golkar was the slow but steady erosion of PDIP’s
lead, also facilitated by the sluggish pace of outer island returns. While Golkar had