Page 123 - Mike Ratner CC - WISR Complete Dissertation - v6
P. 123

consideration of alternatives; thought plus action, or more precisely thought that goes into action”

               (p. 53). This form of deliberation originated from the classic Socratic method of learning and


               exchange as a similarly constructed dyadic model of deliberation of challenge and response. This

               model is particularly useful to deliberative democracy in that it is not limited to a “set number of


               conversational partners” (Gunderson, 2000, p. 59). Reason giving is a way of maintaining balance

               and equity between dialogue partners and participants, using the dyadic model of “challenge and


               response” (p. 63) to fuel deliberation. Applying this model fostered a type of civic engagement

               that “asks not that deliberation lead immediately to collective action, but that it takes collective


               action as its object” (p. 67). Gunderson’s (2000) theory of the Socratic citizen carefully explored

               the intersections and connections within foundational deliberative theories. However, in reviewing


               countering arguments it  seems  related authors (Habermas 1989;  Leonard 1990;  Dryzek 1987,

               2000, 2005) did not explore the gap between dyadic dialogue and group dialogue nor did they

               attempt to bridge the two. The relationship between dyadic and group dialogue is a particularly


               important concept for this research, because it is likely that conflicts and disagreements result in

               some  degree  of  emergence  and  resolution  in  dyadic  expressions  and  interactions  within  the


               framework  of  the  deliberative  setting  which  can  influence  “Metasphere”  affecting  the  space

               containing engagement.



                       In terms of the dimension of interaction, it may be useful to recall Habermas as well as

               other  writers,  such  as  Dewey  (1954),  who  argue  that  a  “public”  should  be  conceptualized  as


               something other than just a media audience. Publics, according to Habermas and Dewey, exist as

               discursive interactional processes; atomized individuals, consuming media in their homes, do not

               comprise a public. With the advent of the public opinion industry (cf. Splichal, 1999; Lewis, 2001),


               the focus on aggregate statistics of individual views became established. While such approaches



                                                             104
   118   119   120   121   122   123   124   125   126   127   128