Page 25 - The Chief Culprit

2 y e Chief Culprit

with a secret unifying force that always remained in the shadows. On the one hand, repre-
sentatives from Lenin’s party sat in the Russian parliament (the Duma). On the other hand,
Lenin and his followers believed the party’s funds could be enhanced by any means, including
bank robbery. ey reasoned there was nothing wrong if occasionally, during the robberies,
arbitrary casualties arose, as long as the most important goal of maintaining money in the
party cashbox was met. From this point of view, Lenin’s cult must be called an organized
crime gang, not a political party of a new sort.
e leaders of this cult concealed their real names. Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Zinoviev,
Kamenev, Molotov, and Kirov: these are all aliases. ey all had serious reasons for not reveal-
ing their true names. For example, under the alias of “Stalin” hid a bank robber whose real
name was Dzhugashvili. He was in charge of filling the party’s cashbox.
Lenin and his gang worked hard to draw out World War I as much as possible. As early
as September 1916, during the peak of the war, Lenin declared that one world war might be
insufficient, and humanity might need another one of the same or even greater destructive
scale. He reasoned that war is the mother of revolution, and world war is the mother of world
revolution. e longer the war lasts, the more bloodshed and destruction it brings, the sooner
revolution takes place. If a world revolution did not arise as a result of the first world war, a
second world war becomes necessary.
Lenin’s party was not only the most militaristic in the world, but also the most peace-
loving. In 1914, almost all political parties of the nations at war voted in unison in the
parliaments of their countries to create war credits. Lenin’s party counted among the very
few exceptions. Together with another branch of Russian Social Democrats, the Mensheviks,
Lenin’s party voted against increasing military expenditures, despite the obvious understand-
ing that during wartime military expenditures cannot be the same as during peacetime. On
July 26, 1914, during an emergency session of the Duma, the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks left
the meeting hall “as a protest against the current military insanity.”
Lenin’s party began an unprecedented campaign for peace. By September–October of
1917, the Bolshevik party had seventy-five newspapers and magazines, with a total daily run
esti-mated as high as 600,000 copies. All these publications advocated for immediate peace.
e Communists distributed their publications free of charge in city streets, in factories, in
military barracks, and in the trenches at the front. On top of the newspapers and magazines,
Lenin’s party printed millions of books, brochures, pamphlets, and proclamations. Soldiers
were told to try to establish friendly relations with the enemy, instead of shooting at them.
Communist slogans urged the troops: “Put down your rifles!” “Go home!” “Let’s transform
the Imperialist War into a Civil War!”
In the fall of 1917, under the leadership of Leon Trotsky and Vladimir Lenin, the
Communists carried out a coup and seized control of the capital of the Russian empire,
Petrograd (formerly St. Petersburg). For the first time in world history, a group of people liv-
ing and working under fake names gained control of the capital of such a vast country. Most
nations of the world did not recognize the new authorities as legitimate. e only excep-
tions were countries with which Russia was at war, Germany and Austria-Hungary. Only the
enemy recognized Lenin’s command. German money was secretly transferred to Lenin’s party
—both before and after the coup.
Moments after the new power came into being, the first official document—the Peace
Decree—was created and signed. e army and navy immediately ceased all military activity.