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Ranah Studi Agraria
straight-row planting), the almost universal shift from finger-
knife (ani-ani) harvesting to sickles, and in paddy processing
the rapid spread of small diesel-powered rice-hullers which
began in the late 1960s and by the mid-1970s had almost com-
pletely replaced hand pounding, previously an important
source of income for women of poorer households.
D. Changes in the Paddy Earnings of Farmers and Hired Labor
We will first examine changes in the quantities and shares
of paddy incomes accruing to ‘farmers’ on the one hand and
‘hired labor’ on the other during this period of substantial pro-
ductivity growth, before discussing changes in land tenure,
labor use, and labor arrangements which underlie these
changes.Table 7.3 shows how much of the total available in-
come from paddy production in 1971 and 1981 (after deduc-
ting all nonlabor production costs) went into the pockets of
farmers and hired laborers respectively, in seven of the case-
study villages. (For Sentul and Sukosari these data are not
available.) ‘Farmer’s share’ in this case means a Chayanovian
bundle of ‘returns to land, family labor, management, and capi-
tal’ (i.e., without the fictive separation of these into imputed
land rents, interest, and family-labor wages), and ‘hired labor’s
share’ is the total actual wages paid out in cash or kind per
hectare. In 1981, the farmer’s share from each hectare of paddy
production was generally more than 60 of production and
hired labor’s share generally less than 30% (the remaining
roughly 10% representing nonlabor input costs, which have
proportionately declined since 1971 with the help of fertilizer
subsidies); in 1971 the ratio was more favorable to hired labor in
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