Page 13 - Arabian Studies (II)
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The Game of Maysir                                             3

       al-taw’am ‘twin’ for a double portion, al-miCalla ‘top score* for a
       sevenfold one. All this makes LabTd’s phrase in hisMu'allaqah where
       lie speaks of the arrow-shafts being mutashabih ajsamuha ‘with
       mutually similar bodies’, slightly puzzling. Perhaps it alludes to the
       fact that, in spite of the notches or other recognition marks, the
       shafts must have been identical in size and weight, in order to avoid
       cheating. Huber (pp. 27—30) remarks that they were invariably made
       of one kind of wood, the tough and heavy nab'; and the fact that the
       hurdah was required to wrap his hand in a piece of cloth when
       drawing was presumably sufficient to prevent him detecting the
       notches by touch.
         What, however, I particularly wish here to draw attention to is
       that there are two accounts by twentieth-century travellers in South
       Arabia, which are both fascinating in themselves and clearly have a
       relation to the ancient game of maysir. The main point in which they
       differ from the descriptions of the ancient game is that the meat won
       was actually consumed by the participants. On the other hand, the
       procedures used have striking analogies with ancient maysir, and may
       help us to understand the latter a little better.
         Firstly, Bertram Thomas (Arabia Felix, 1932, pp. 205-6):

          Five heaps of fresh meat soon lay on the sands - for the five
         camp-fire parties composing my caravan, and a shout of joy
         announced the moment to cast lots for them — ever the desert
          way. Five representatives stood forth, one for each party. A
         head-dress was produced and into it each put a marked round of
         ammunition. The four comers were bunched together and the
         contents shaken up. A bystander was invited to grasp one through
         the head-dress, which was then opened and the owner of the
         chosen round given first choice of heaps. Four times the
         performance was repeated, and when the last had gone so had the
         body of [the camel].

         Here, the bullets are the modem surrogates for the ancient
       arrow-shafts, although marked for the participants and not for the
       shares. The head-dress is the ancient ribabah, the ‘bystander’ is the
       hurdah, and he had to fumble through a thickness of cloth in making
       the draw, so as not to be able to detect the markings of the bullets,
       as in the ancient game. The fact that in this case what the draw
       determined was not specified portions of meat but the order in
       which the participants could exercise their own choice, may throw
       light on a phrase for which Huber (pp. 25, 42) does not give a very
       satisfactory explanation: a chieftain who had provided a camel for a
       feast says ukhayyiru ashabi ‘give my companions the choice’ by
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