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Buddha and his followers, representing their renunciation of
                                                            worldly things. In Chan tradition, when passed from master
                                                            to pupil, this garment came to signify the transmission of the
                                                            Dharma.  Draped over the left shoulder and anchored by a
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                                                            ring over the heart, the kāṣāya is worn for formal occasions,
                                                            notably when an abbot takes the high seat in a Dharma Hall
                                                            to preach, thus playing the role of Buddha and becoming, in
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                                                            Robert Sharf’s words, ‘a living Buddha icon’.  The portrait
                                                            of Wuzhun Shifan invokes the master in this iconic role, and
                                                            the meanings implicit in the iconographic programme of
                                                            this and many similar pictures must inform our
                                                            understanding of the portrait of Daoyan.
                                                               Politics, however, are not far from the surface in either the
                                                            portrait of Daoyan or that of Wuzhun. The beautiful silk
                                                            robes worn by both masters reflect the longstanding court
                                                            tradition of conferring fine monastic robes on favoured
                                                            clerics.  Like Daoyan, Wuzhun enjoyed imperial favour,
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                                                            albeit of a more conventional sort based on his religious
                                                            credentials. In 1232 the Song emperor Lizong 理宗
                                                            (r. 1224–64) summoned Wuzhun to court, where the master
                                                            answered questions about Chan and expounded the
                                                            Buddhist doctrine, and the emperor rewarded him with a
                                                            golden kāṣāya (Ch. Jinlanjia 金襴袈), a vestment woven with
                                                            patterns in gold thread and the name Buddha Mirror Chan
                                                            Master (Fojian chanshi 佛鑒禪師).  It has been suggested that
                                                                                      28
          Plate 16.5 Portrait sculpture of Daoyan in Tanzhesi 潭柘寺 (Deep   the portrait documents this occasion and shows the master
          Pond and Wild Mulberry Monastery) (current whereabouts                            29
          unknown), published in Yilin yuekan 藝林月刊 (Art World Monthly),   wearing the imperially presented kāṣāya.  The imperial
          no. 56 (1934), p. 7                               practice of bestowing golden kāṣāya continued in the Yongle
                                                            period, and the opulent outer robe Daoyan wears in the
          shortly after by a court artist who had known Daoyan in life.   Palace Museum portrait surely came from his sovereign.
                                                                                                         30
          Wang Zheng suggests that the court presented it to Tanzhesi   His robes also accord with Ming court regulations for
                                     20
          before Abbot Musho died in 1429.  As the inscription by   monastic dress that were established in 1382 and remained
          Zhenke and a second one dated to 1601 show, the portrait   in effect through the 15th century. These regulations
          remained at Tanzhesi through the late Ming. It did not   assigned robes of different colours to different categories of
          become famous like the portrait at Da Longshan huguosi,   monks. As a Chan monk, Daoyan wears a brown common
          however. By the middle of the Qianlong period (1735–96) it   robe under his jade-green coloured kāṣāya. The kāṣāya
          had been removed from the monastery and acquired by the   borders with gold patterns were a luxury only permitted to
          Qing court.  Daoyan’s hermitage at Tanzhesi had a portrait   monk officials of the Central Buddhist Registry.  The
                                                                                                  31
                   21
          sculpture of the master that survived into the 20th century   fabrics of Daoyan’s kāṣāya are further distinguished by their
          (Pl. 16.5). 22                                    patterns of propitious ruyi 如意 (as-you-wish) clouds that
            Although the Palace Museum portrait is a posthumous   resemble the head of the ruyi sceptre and the lingzhi 靈芝
          image inscribed with court-bestowed titles rather than a   fungus of immortality.  This ceremonial garment is fastened
                                                                              32
          work done in the master’s lifetime and inscribed by the man   with a knotted turquoise cord and a jade ring from which
          himself, it still draws on the tradition of Chan portraiture   hangs a golden image of a seated Buddha, presumably
          represented by the 1238 portrayal of Song master Wuzhun in   another badge of rank.
          style and iconography. As in the Song portrait, Daoyan’s   While relying on a common pictorial tradition, the
          face is rendered with soft washes of colour and highly   portraits of Wuzhun and Daoyan differ in significant ways,
          individualised, his boldly outlined robes have weight and   beginning with scale. The Song-dynasty scroll is smaller
          depth, and the designs on his garments and furnishings are   (124.8 x 55.2cm), making its subject less physically imposing
          finely detailed. Like Wuzhun, he sits cross-legged on a   than Daoyan.  Moreover, whereas Song and Yuan master
                                                                       33
          fabric-draped chair, having left his shoes on a low step below,   portraits typically employ three-quarter views, Daoyan
                                        23
          and holds an abbot’s ritual implement.  Specifically, he   turns only slightly to his right and gazes almost directly at
          holds the fly-whisk traditionally used in Dharma exposition   the viewer. His imposing chair is seen straight on, like those
          to punctuate remarks visually.  Both masters wear a   in later monk portraits and in imperial portraits such as that
                                  24
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          gorgeous silk vestment, or kāṣāya (Ch. jiasha 袈裟), a highly   of the Hongzhi 弘治 emperor (r. 1488–1505).  In fact, the
          symbolic garment, over a Chinese-style long-sleeved robe   seat itself – broad, square, jade-coloured and ornate – invites
          that wraps in front. The luxuriousness of these examples   comparison with the dragon thrones occupied by the Yongle
          notwithstanding, the kāṣāya is basically a simple rectangular   and Xuande 宣德 (r. 1426–35) emperors in their portraits in
          garment composed of strips and patches meant to recall the   the National Palace Museum, Taipei (Pls 16.6–7). The
          patchwork clothing made of discarded rags worn by the   arms and the backrest of Daoyan’s seat, however, are more



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