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portrayals of the two clerics are not only attributable to the 3 Zheng Yonghua 2007, 153. Daoyan was a Dharma heir of Yu’an
forms of Buddhism they represent, but also to their intended zhiji 愚菴智及 of Jingshan 徑山 (1311–78), who was in turn a
destinations and audiences. Initially kept in a memorial hall Dharma heir of Yu’ansou xingduan 元叟行端 (1255–1341). See
Buddhist Studies Authority Database Project: http://authority.
in an ancient Chinese monastery in the western suburbs of ddbc.edu.tw/person/.
Beijing, the portrait of Daoyan was primarily seen by 4 DMB, 1564, 1644; Weidner 2009b, 66–7, 69, 71.
domestic viewers and Japanese Buddhists who read Chinese 5 MS 145, 4079–82; Wang Ao 1967, 1206–9; DMB, 1561–5; Shang
and were conversant with the conventions of Chinese Chuan 1984,119–29; Weidner 2008, 224–8; Zheng Yonghua 2007;
Wang Zheng 2011, 118.
portraiture and court titles. The portraits of Śākya Yeshé 6 One was kept in the monks’ quarters at Da Baoen Monastery in
were destined for Tibet, where the great monasteries were Nanjing. See Zhang Huiyi 1938, 12; Jin Ao 1983, juan 4. Another
well supplied with a rich array of religious objects, was in his memorial shrine at Miaozhian, where he first became a
furnishings and other material goods made in China, and monk; Qian Daxin 錢大昕 (1728–1804) wrote of visiting his shrine
their residents were familiar with the materials, techniques and seeing the monk seated in meditation and ringed by incense
smoke; Shang Chuan 1984, 128.
and quality that distinguished objects made in imperial 7 Jiang Yikui 1980, 20, simply says the capital has a portrait of
workshops. Daoyan in court dress. Wang Zheng cites a note of hearsay in Lang
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For the Ming court itself, the portraits of Daoyan and Ying 郎瑛, Qixiu leigao 七修類稿 (Seven Categories of Notes) that places
it at Qingshou monastery. See Wang Zheng 2011, 124–5.
Śākya Yeshé represented different realities. The pictorial 8 Yu Minzhong 1983, 684. Popularly called Shuangtasi 雙塔寺
formula behind the portrait of Daoyan was rooted in (Double Pagoda Monastery), Qingshousi was located on west
centuries of Chinese monastic practice, and the portrait was Chang’an Avenue. Also known as Da Ciensi 大慈恩寺 (Great
plausibly based on the master’s self-presentation. We can Blessing Monastery), it was renamed Da Xinglongsi in 1448. Yu
imagine him stepping onto the footstool, removing his shoes, Minzhong 1983, 680–7.
ascending the chair and assuming his well-rehearsed pose to 9 Wang Zheng equates the portrait of Daoyan in monk’s dress at
Qingshousi with the famous portrait at Da Longshan huguosi;
expound the Dharma on imperial command. The artist Wang Zheng 2011, 123. Bu Liansheng concludes that it was lost in
needed only to combine the particulars of this standard the fire that destroyed the monastery. See Bu Liansheng 1979, 83.
composition with a naturalistic rendering of the monk’s face 10 Yu Minzhong 1983, 842; DMB, 907, 1564.
and an accurate description of his garments to create a 11 See note 9. Jiang Yikui 1980, 20; Liu Tung and Yu Yizheng 1969,
xia 下58b; Yu Minzhong 1983, 842, 844, 847. In the Qing dynasty,
historically grounded sense of reality. In contrast, the the portrait hall at Chongguosi 崇國寺 (Honouring the Nation
tapestry portrait of Śākya Yeshé seated on a Chinese throne Monastery), an old and popular name for Da Longshan huguosi,
belongs to a Sino-Tibetan realm of magical realism. A was considered one of the Eight Ancient Relics of the capital city.
pastiche of elements assembled from Tibetan and Chinese See Wang Zheng 2011, 124.
sources, it presents the master in his eternal aspect as a 12 Yu Minzhong 1983, 847; Yuan Hongdao 1981, 687; Weidner 2008,
235–6; Wang Zheng 2011, 123–4. I am grateful to Chang Qing for
teaching Buddha, maintaining his iconic posture, teaching his assistance in reading the encomium.
mudra and lotus-borne Vajrayana attributes amid a baroque 13 Yu Minzhong 1983, 844.
display of Chinese courtly magnificence, which includes his 14 Wang Zheng notes three recorded cases of Daoyan inscribing his
glorious robes – but, interestingly, not his shoes. Shoes are portraits, including the portrait at Da Longshan huguosi, and
surmises that all must have portrayed him as a monk. Wang Zheng
mundane items and described as such in portraits of Chan 2011, 123–6.
masters. Daoyan’s shoes rest on a footstool to be reclaimed 15 Adamek 2003, 36–8, 43–4; Brinker and Kanazawa 1996, 161–3.
by the master as he descends from his seat. The same detail 16 Wang Zheng has tentatively identified the author of the other
is also common in portrayals of arhats (Ch. Luohan), the inscription as Zuo Zongying 左宗郢, a late Ming poet and friend of
Zibo. See Wang Zheng 2011, 131.
sainted monk followers of Buddha. Yet no shoes await 17 Wang Zheng 2011, 122, 127–8. Wang puts Daoyan in the 22nd
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Śākya Yeshé below his seat. In fact, this figure seems to have generation of spiritual descendants of Master Huineng and Musho
been pulled from another type of image, perhaps one like Tokushi in the 23rd. On Musho Tokushi, see also Minghe,
the embroidered portrait, and inserted into a Chinese 0477a19–c07; Shen Mude 1994, 69–72; and Anami 2004, 40–1.
dragon throne with no suggestion of past or potential 18 Wang Zheng 2011, 122.
19 Yuan Shusen 2001, 86.
movement beyond the hand gesture. The picture was not 20 Wang Zheng 2011, 122.
meant to evoke the ordinary, but rather to document 21 Wang Zheng 2011, 119–23.
imperial reverence for the divine nature of the man and 22 Li Zongwan 1981, 23; Shen Mude 1994, 150; Zhongguo huaxue
yanjiu hui 1934.
everything he represented spiritually and politically. Both 23 On the formula for depicting abbots, see Brinker and Kanazawa
realities, mundane and magical, are captured or conjured in 1996, 161; also, see Foulk and Sharf 1993–4, 156–7. The sculpted
many other early Ming pictures of places and events image of Daoyan once at Tanzhe Monastery likewise presents the
associated with a range of religious beliefs and practices. monk seated cross-legged and holding a fly-whisk.
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However, the portraits of Daoyan and Śākya Yeshé stand 24 Kieschnick 2003, 145.
25 On the history and meaning of the monk’s robe, see Faure 1995 (or
out as exceptional pictorial remnants of the imperial favour 2003, 211–49); Kieschnick 1999; Kieschnick 2003, 86–107.
bestowed on great clerical participants in the currents of 26 Sharf 1992, 6; see also Foulk and Sharf 1993–4, 195; Faure 1995,
transnational Buddhism that flowed through the Ming 341–3; Poceski 2008, 100–6; Lopez Jr 2005, 261–2.
capitals in the 15th century. 27 Kieschnick 1999, 24–7.
28 Jixiang 1888, juan 6:2–7.1.
29 Adamek 2003, 43–4.
Notes 30 A kāṣāya woven with gold (Jinlanjia 金襴袈) was among the
1 Weidner 2008, 237. imperial gifts conferred on the monk Daocheng (1352–1432) for his
2 The date of Śākya Yeshé’s death is usually given as 1435, but it has participation in an embassy to Japan at the beginning of the Yongle
also been plausibly suggested that he died in Beijing four years period; MSL Taizong shilu 22.3b, 1/8/己未.
later. See Chen Nan 2005, 190–5, 209; Xiong Wenbin 2014, 157. 31 MSL Taizu shilu 150.6b, 15/12/乙酉; Wang Zheng 2011, 120.

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