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                  468                   CHAPTER 11   MONOPOLY AND MONOPSONY

                  APPLICA TION  11.6
                  Is a Cartel as Efficient                         sold domestically was exported at world cement
                                                                   prices. The cartel allocated total output to the three
                  as a Monopoly?                                   firms in proportion to their share of total production
                                                                   capacity.
                  The goal of a cartel is to coordinate production and  First note that this rule is not the efficient one, as
                  pricing among firms that would otherwise compete,  it does not allocate output based on marginal costs of
                  to exercise joint monopoly power. If the cartel oper-  each firm. Worse for the cartel, though, was the in-
                  ates perfectly, the result should be monopoly prices,  centives that this created. Since excess output was
                  output, and profits. In practice, rarely if ever are  exported, each firm had an incentive to expand its
                  cartels able to achieve this goal. For example, sev-  output in order to gain a larger share of cartel profits
                  eral studies have analyzed the behavior of OPEC,  from Norwegian sales. In fact, the firms had an incen-
                  the oil cartel of the Organization of Petroleum  tive to expand even if marginal costs exceeded the
                  Exporting Countries, and concluded that it produces  world price for cement. Why? Although a firm would
                  at higher output levels and lower prices than if it  lose money on some export sales, it would capture ad-
                  were a pure monopoly. 15  One reason for this is that  ditional cartel profits on domestic sales. Indeed, Röller
                  OPEC requires coordination across many nations,  and Steen found that the three firms gradually in-
                  each of which has incentives to grab as large a share  creased output over time, and cartel prices ended up
                  of OPEC output and profits as possible. Negotiating  close to competitive world prices. The firms also
                  and enforcing agreements across many nations is  earned losses on their exports by 1968.
                  very difficult.                                     After the firms merged into a monopoly, expan-
                      A much simpler cartel was the Norwegian cement  sion of total capacity stopped rising. Domestic cement
                  industry. In 1923, the three Norwegian cement firms  prices rose, as did total profits for the combined firms.
                  were given the legal right to act as a cartel. They set  Interestingly, because the firms had expanded beyond
                  up a coordinating office to allocate production across  efficient levels (marginal cost above world prices), the
                  the three firms. Such a cartel should be much easier to  economists estimate that overall efficiency was higher
                  enforce than OPEC. An agreement among three firms  with monopoly than with the cartel! In other words,
                  is much easier to strike, monitor, and enforce.  the losses in consumer surplus from the monopoly
                  Moreover, there are no international issues at stake  were smaller than the gains from eliminating losses
                  since the three firms are in the same country, whereas  on exports. However, total efficiency would have
                  OPEC production decisions must balance political and  been higher still if the industry had been competitive.
                  diplomatic factors. The Norwegian example is also  See Application 11.7 for some estimates of these wel-
                  ideal for study, since in 1968 the three firms were allowed  fare effects.
                  to merge and form a monopoly.                       What might the cartel have done differently?
                      Economists Lars-Hendrik Röller and Frode Steen  First, it could have limited total output. By allowing
                  analyzed output and profitability of the cartel and  the firms to export excess output, the firms expanded
                  subsequent monopoly. 16  They found that cartel prof-  not only beyond the monopoly level of output, but
                  its were substantially below those of the monopoly  beyond the competitive level. Second, it could have
                  and that profits had been declining for years. An   allocated output based on relative marginal costs, as
                  important reason why the cartel failed, despite so  described in this section. Of course, given the appar-
                  many institutional advantages, was the output shar-  ently sympathetic legal regime, it would have prof-
                  ing rule the cartel chose. The cartel first decided on  ited even more by merging to form a monopoly back
                  the total level of output to be sold. Any output not  in 1923.



                                        15 See, for example, S. Martin, Industrial Economics: Economic Analysis and Public Policy (New York:
                                        Macmillan, 1988), pp. 137–138.
                                        16 Lars-Hendrik Röller and Frode Steen, “On the Workings of a Cartel: Evidence from the Norwegian
                                        Cement Industry,” American Economic Review 96 (March 2006): 321–338.
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