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member of the family of villagers who dwelled in the lands of Pedro de Creta and Valentina, in
San Félix de Caramán: his grandfathers had been burnt in Albi by Simon de Montfort, but he
professed the Catharism in secrecy and integrated the Circulus Domini Canis; he was law
professor in Montpellier and in Nimes, before being convened Court of Philip the Fair.
Thirty-Sixth Day
Starting from the aforementioned concepts, inculcated to Philip IV by the Domini Canis
instructors, he goes establishing the future Strategy: first of all, he will have to restore the
Regal Function; for it, he will attempt to separate the Church from the State; and such
separation will be based in the precise juridical arguments of the Roman Law. But, the
participation of the Church was manifested in the three main powers of the State: in the
legislative, by the supremacy of the Canon Law over the civil; the judicial, by the supremacy
of the ecclesiastical Tribunals to judge every case, independently and over the civil justice; and
the administrative, by the absorption of great rents coming from the Kingdom, preventing
the State to exert any control of them. The measures that Philip IV will adopt ro change this
last point, will be those that will provoke the most violent reaction of the Golem Church.
When Philip IV accesses to the Throne, the Church was politically and economically
powerful, and was superimposed on the State. His father, Philip III, had implicated the
Kingdom in a Crusade against Aragon which had already cost a terrible defeat to the French
arms. The monarchy was weak before the landowner noblesse: the Feudal Lords, when they fell
to the Cultural Pact, gave a superlative value to the property of the land, abandoning or
forgetting the ancient strategic concept of the occupation that sustained the populations of
the Pact of Blood; therefore, in times of Philip IV, was accepted that an absurd relation existed
between the nobility of a lineage and the surface of the lands of their property, in such manner
that the Lord who had more lands, pretended to be more Noble and powerful, reaching to
dispute the sovereignty to the own King. Before of Philip Augustus (1180-1223), for example,
the Duke of Guyenne, the Count of Toulouse, or the Duke of Normandy, possessed individually
more lands than the reigning House of the Capetians. The King of England, in theory, was
vassal of the King of France, but in more than one occasion his territorial dominium converted
him in a powerful rival; that was seen clearly during the reign of Henry II Plantagenet, who,
apart of King of England, was also ruler of a great part of France: Normandy, Maine, Anjou,
Touraine, Aquitaine, Auvergne, Anis, Saintonge, Angoumoi, Marche, Perigord. Only when John
Lackland committed the errors that are known, the King Philip Augustus recovered for his
House the Normandy, the Anjou, the Maine, the Touraine and the Poitou. However, Louis IX,
partner of Edward I in the Crusade, would return to this English King the French feuds.
Since the dismemberment of Charlemagne’s Empire, and until Philip III, not existed
nothing similar to the national consciousness in the Kings of France but an ambition of
territorial dominance that aimed to support the feudal power: the nobility was then purely
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