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a fatal move for SPLM.At this instance, the movement had Anyanya sympathisers who fueled
                    disunity and mistrust in the movement even more”(O.I, Gideon Samuel, Juba, 27/03/2017).

          The first ten years of the movement registered significant military victories and successes, as

          SPLM underwent a transition from a guerilla army into a professional military force. To be sure,
          the  military  expanded  seized  more  territory  including  Juba  in  1992.  John  Garang  emerged  as
          the undisputed leader of the movement and rallied the northern traditional parties behind him
          including the communist party, and African Muslims in Darfur, South Kordofan, South Blue Nile,

          eastern Sudan, Khartoum and the Nubians(SAD.887/9/15). What is more, SPLM/A evicted forces
          of Khartoum and in the process sabotaged the oil fields in both exploration and production.

          SPLM/A acquired the support of Mengistu Haile Mariam regime in Ethiopia and as a result

          intensified peasant military conscription leading to great military victories and territorial
          acquisition including Equatorial. According to Le Richie and insiders within the movement, the
          SPLM/A was already a conventional military force by 1989 with over 70,000 troops occupying
          garrison towns such  as Juba, Wau and Malakal. It also registered military victories in South
          Kordofan, Darfur and parts of Blue Nile.  In upper Nile, SPLM targeted key government

          infrastructure such as Jonglei canal and oil exploration sites. Furthermore, they detained French
          engineers and international workers in Bentiu town. This led to total cancellation of the canal
          construction in 1983 while oil development exploration came to an abrupt end along the Upper

          Nile(SAD.887/9/15).

          Meanwhile, economic crises in Khartoum was making war expensive to undertake while corruption
          and massive borrowing both internally and externally was creating dissent within the military in
          Khartoum with the result that General Numeiri was overthrown on 5th April 1985.  Before the

          coup against him, Numeiri had a war strategy of using divide and rule by depicting war as tribal.
          Secondly, he was keen on protecting the oil fields infrastructure in the upper Nile. The SPLM
          did not take part in post Numeiri transition. It was busy reorganizing and recruiting new soldiers
          within its ranks. In support of this narrative, one respondent stated that


                    “General Numeiri’s fall was a sigh of relief for us, we were not in agreement with his approach,
                    he was more interested in affairs not affecting the southern Sudan. With this in our mind, we
                    had to embark on a serious reorganization of our army for formidable force to put forward our
                    agenda”(O.I, Gideon Samuel, Juba, 27/03/2017).


          The Mahdi regime adopted the Islamic policies, sharia laws and war strategies as planned by
          Numeiri. Sadiq backed the Arabs militias created organized by Numeiri regime of war by proxy
          against Southern Sudan, Darfur, South Blue Nile, and the Nuba Mountains.  The aim was to
          reduce the capacity ofSPLM as the leader of the revolutionary New Sudan that SPLM/A wanted

          to establish. While the National Islamic Front (NIF) of Dr. Hassan Al Turabi was in full support
          of these policies, the SPLM on the other hand, counteracted the war in proxy by looting and
          mistreating the communities it considered hostile or collaborating with the enemy. As a result of
          proxy wars, the SPLM was engaging multiple militias among them Mundari, Toposa, murle and

          Lotuho. The turning point was the launch of the Bright Star Campaign in 1988. The campaign
          sought to secure towns and areas hitherto under the Khartoum regime in the south including Juba
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