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General Arok Thon Arok, and. Riek Machar. Tribal militias were led by General Paulino Matip,
          Peter Gadet of the Unity state, and Gordon Kong of the Upper Nile,  Clement  Wani Igga of
          Equatorial, Tom Al Nur of Western Bahr El Ghazal, Gabriel Tang Ginya and Sultan Abdel Baggi

          Ayii of the upper Nile. Meanwhile, Lam  Akol signed his own agreement with Khartoum in
          September 1997 in Fashoda. Peter Gadet and Paulino Matip were responsible in controlling oil
          fields in Unity and Bentiu states. The Khartoum strategy of weakening the SPLM from within
          and using militias to weaken the South worked to the extent that it managed to secure the oil

          producing states of Upper Nile and Unity States. Furthermore, SPLM positions in Eastern
          Equatorial were weakened. The Khartoum regime was engaged in public relations of portraying
          itself as advancing peace in South Sudan. Although the Khartoum strategy worked, fresh conflicts
          between Khartoum allies in the south jeopardized the gains already made as allies turned against

          one another(MLCS 83/7692 (J) FT MEADE).

          The SPLM registered significant military gains from 1995 securing Equatorial region and key
          infrastructure. The following two years saw the resurgence SPLM secure Western Equatorial,
          Western  Bahr  Al Ghazal,  Lakes and  Warrap  states under General Salva  Kiir  Mayardit  and

          reclaimed.  Internal  SPLM  reconciliation brought  on  board  Riek  Machar  andLam  Akolwho
          rejoined the movement in 2002 and 2004 respectively. The SPLM regained the territories it had
          lost in the previous ten years.  The war was a stalemate and each party was seeking a negotiated
          settlement.


          The SPLM we noted, started as a fighting outfit with the support of Mengistu Haile Mariam and fought
          militarily to secure territories.  It lacked a political program for the liberated areas neither did it offer political
          education among its cadres. The focus was more on securing territories and weakening the Khartoum
          regime. There was no focus on how to manage diversity and form national identity worth reducing the levels

          of suspicions created by the Khartoum regimes and ethnicity based political rivalry and brinkmanship.

          Furthermore, it lacked projects of promoting citizenship over ethnic sub nationalism. Mamdani
          (1998)has rightly observed that the external factors forced the Khartoum regime to rethink the
          idea of granting independence for self-preservation especially in the context of the American led

          war against terrorism. Fearing regime change in Khartoum, the National Congress Party thought
          the  best  way  of  remaining  in  power  is  to  secure  better  relations  with  the  west  and  remain  in
          power was to grant the independence to South Sudan hence South Sudan was a child of USA led

          war against terrorism. Whatever the motivation, the Khartoum regime failed to defeat the SPLM
          at the beginning of the millennium whereas SPLM could not liberate itself militarily from the
          Khartoum regime(MLCS 83/7692 (J) FT MEADE).

          The SPLM since its inception in 1983 underwent three major phases of evolution and each phase

          had unique challenges to deal with and ended with diverse outcomes. The period 1983-1991 was
          the most defining for SPLM. The movement as we have pointed out registered significant gains
          in the battlefield and embraced Marxist rhetoric. The movement was trying to find its feet and
          ensure  internal coherence  while overcoming the  shortcomings that defined Anyanya  (I). John

          Garang had identified three key challenges to be overcome in order for SPLM to be a formidable
          military force-factionalism, lack of unity and power struggle among Anyanya. The movement did

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