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42                    HIKAYAT PATANI
                       closer to B than to A. In itself it would be quite conceivable that the
                       Thai translation was made in 1928 from the same manuscript which was
                       copied on behalf of Skeat in 1899. It would be natural for both Skeat
                       and the Thai official to turn to one and the same local official for
                       information on the history of Patani. The theory of T and B deriving
                       from the same MS. leaves sections 40—43 of T unexplained, however.
                       We would then have to assume that the copyist who worked for Skeat
                       left out the latter part of his model, which was later on made use of by
                       the Thai translator, or that the latter obtained his additional information
                       from another source, e.g. short texts which had in one form or another
                       also come to be appended to A. Another possibility is that the originals
                       of T and B were not one and the same MS. but two closely related ones,
                       one with (part of) the appendices from A, and one without. Until some
                       other source comes to light we must leave this matter undecided.
                         After thus checking T against the variant readings of A and B there
                       are very few differences left (at least with regard to 1—39) which would
                       seem to require as explanation either a misunderstanding on the part of
                       the Thai translator, or the use by him of a different version of the Malay
                       text. These differences may be briefly mentioned here.
                       1.  In T 7, the story of the illness of the first king of Patani, we read
                          about the royal servants promulgating the royal proclamation. After
                          seven days, it says, “Some people lost hope and returned by way of
                          Kampong Pase” (revised translation).23 In the Malay text as we
                          have it, there is no possible explanation for the Thai text saying that
                          they “lost hope”.
                       2.  A difference between T 30 and A 37 may point to a corrupt reading
                          in T’s original. The Malay has Raja Bambang say quite clearly and
                          logically when he finds Raja cA’isyah taking the young king on her
                          lap: “Put my brother down; do not keep him on your lap.” The Thai
                          translation says, rather oddly so: “You must hand over the rulership

                        23 There are a few places where the English translation of the Thai text, as
                         published in 1967, should be revised, also in the light of the Malay text, viz.:
                         T7 read “Some people lost hope and returned by way of Kampong Pase”.
                         T28 the last words of the Sultan should read: “When I see your face safely
                            returned, I am as happy as if I am seeing my relative in the Siamese capital”.
                         T31 the end should read: “Raja Bima hacked the Sultan to death, then at the
                            same time Seri Uma Palawan, who had witnessed the deed, hacked Raja
                            Bima to death”.
                         T32 read “there was only a daughter named Raja Ijau”.
                         T33 1. 5, read “a canal to be cut from the north, boring through the mouth of
                            the river”.
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