Page 54 - Hikayat-Patani-The-Story-Of-Patani 1
P. 54
THE HIKAYAT PATANI AND RELATED TEXTS 45
personal grievance is said to take the initiative for the large-scale
attack on Patani. T does not connect the story of the marriage of
Phaya Deca with the expedition to Patani, although at the end of
T 36 it adds that “it was said that.... Phaya Decha was in com
mand of the army” — which sounds like a remnant of the version
in A; nevertheless, it should be kept in mind that Phaya Deca is not
a name but a title, so that the two Phaya Deca of T may well be
different men.
In any case, it is obvious that in this story the viewpoints of the
Patani and the Thai historiographer diverged too widely to allow
the Thai writer to restrict himself simply to translating; he had to
edit the story in such a way as not to put the Siamese to shame more
than was necessary. This does not exclude the possibility that this
version of the story may be near the historical truth, however; the
Malay story indeed smacks very much of the literary spices which
Malay writers were fond of adding to stories about the relationship
between Malay and other kings.
9. In T two dates occur in places where the Malay text lacks a date,
the date in T 36 clearly being impossible; though it may have been
present in the other Malay MS. it is just as likely that the author
added it from another source. The date in T 42 may well be correct,
but again it is not found in A — unless the mention on p. 76 of
Friday, the tenth of Muharram, refers to the same event.
10. Again it is said in T 36 that during the Siamese attack “many of the
people of the town fled to tambon (i.e. the district of) Luboh
Mako”; this may refer to the same thing as the information in A 57
according to which the people of Ba Bekal trace their origin to those
who during the Siamese attack fled inland from the padang and
settled upstream. Mako and Bekal may represent the same word;
Lubo(h) and Ba (or Bendang, as B reads) are further apart.
11. In the story of Raja Kali there are some minor differences which
may not be significant: whereas T 37b says that Raja Kali did not
intend to do any harm to the queen, A tells us that he “hendak
merogol Peracau" — “desired to violate” her.
12. In the final part of T (40—42) some particulars are found which
do not occur in A. We shall cite here only some of the more relevant
points; most of these are discussed in more detail later on in view
of their historical implications.
(a) T 40 states that the government of Siam appointed a son of