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Ranah Studi Agraria
refrained from looking at specific village patterns and made
only passing reference to upland and lowland variations in
employment and income earning activities. The major upland
and lowland contrasts in land ownership and tenancy were
dealt with in the previous section, and the main differences in
employment and income structure briefly summarized in the
introduction to this paper; they are well documented in previ-
ous SAE research. Most interesting, of course, is how these
patterns have changed over time, a subject on which we are
unable to present data at this stage of the analysis. We will
very briefly allude to some possibilities here and focus espe-
cially of some of the village specific patterns which can only
be analyzed more rigorously when more data becomes avail-
able. The data on which this discussion is based is included in
Appendices 6.16. and 6.17.
Looking briefly at inter village variations in family income
status (Appendix-Table 6.16.) the quite marked role of non
agricultural income sources, rivaling that of farm laboring,
among landless families appears to be a relatively new
development. Lowland villages II (Lanjan) and IV (Sukosari)
are especially prominent in this respect, with well over 70
percent of landless families involved outside agriculture, pri-
marily in becak driving (despite the efforts of city officials to
control this activity in recent years) in the former and to-
bacco processing in the latter (Sukosari was the only village in
which manufacturing wage labor is significant). The large pro-
portion of smaller and larger farmers involved in wage labor
activities is primarily a lowland phenomena, being especially
marked in the East Java Village Gemarang (Village III) where
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